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  第256页

  元非 (她在我的舌尖上且飞且舞)

  早在1604年，在向国王请愿时，议会就轻率地蔑视都铎时期的君主的惯例，并直率地要求下院的实质性权利，这种权利被辩护成古已有之的东西。……爱德华·科克作为一名历史学权威的声望为英格兰的古代宪法的观念提供了受到议会党人无保留地欢迎的支持。现代历史学家们已经指出这种观念是完全缺乏经验基础的，但科克对这个观念的处理本身已经成了英国宪政历史的一个重要事实。根据他的观点，古代宪法是包含在英国的普通法之中的，而后者... (更多)

  早在1604年，在向国王请愿时，议会就轻率地蔑视都铎时期的君主的惯例，并直率地要求下院的实质性权利，这种权利被辩护成古已有之的东西。……爱德华·科克作为一名历史学权威的声望为英格兰的古代宪法的观念提供了受到议会党人无保留地欢迎的支持。现代历史学家们已经指出这种观念是完全缺乏经验基础的，但科克对这个观念的处理本身已经成了英国宪政历史的一个重要事实。根据他的观点，古代宪法是包含在英国的普通法之中的，而后者在当代英国依然保持活力并继续得到发展。这样，英格兰就可以被认为有一部体现在普通法院的判决之中的实在的宪法。随着国王的特权法院的摒弃和法官的安全保障的发展，法院开始成为英国政府中的一个独立的权力中心。正如我多次强调的，如果没有一个机构能够对君主对施加给他的约束的解释提出有效的挑战，国王要收到神意、自然法、为大众利益服务的职责的约束的观念都是没有价值的。在17世纪，不但议会被确定为一个有力的政治机构，法院作为政府和公民之间的一个保护性缓冲器在所有现代立宪政体中发挥的作用也已经被奠定了基础。

  原文：

  As early as 1604, in an address to the king, Parliament blithely disregarded the practices of the Tudor monarchs and minced no words in claiming substantial rights for the commons, which it defended as ancient...

  Edward Coke's reputation as a historical authority provided the notion of England's ancient constitution with support that parliamentarians welcomed uncritically. Modern historians have pointed out that it is totally devoid of empirical foundations (see, e.g., Hulme, 1960; Skinner, 1965), but Coke's treatment of the idea became, in itself, an important fact of English constitutional history. In his view, the ancient constitution was contained in the English common law, which remained alive, and continued to develop, in contemporary England. Thus England was argued to have a tangible constitution, embodied in the judgments of the common law courts. With the abandonment of the royal prerogative courts, and the development of secure tenure for judges, the judiciary began to emerge as an independent center of power in English government. As I have frequently emphasized, the notion that the Crown is constrained by divine will, or by natural law, or by the obligation to serve the salus populi, is of no account if there is no institution that can effectively challenge the monarch's interpretation of such constraints. During the seventeenth century not only did Parliament become established as a powerful political institution; the foundation was also laid for the role of the judiciary as a protective buffer between the government and the citizenry, a role that it plays in all modern constitutional polities. (收起)

  2011-01-31 17:00:54   回应

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  第15页

  柳叶刀. (自从得了精神病我抑郁症就好多了)

  独裁统治的历史表明 不管统治着最初的意图是什么 独裁者都会一成不变的堕落成压迫性的暴政 说到底对权力的渴望并不是渴望占有行善的权利而是渴望占有权利本身 (更多)

  独裁统治的历史表明 不管统治着最初的意图是什么 独裁者都会一成不变的堕落成压迫性的暴政 说到底对权力的渴望并不是渴望占有行善的权利而是渴望占有权利本身 (收起)

  2011-05-15 17:32:34   回应

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  第303页

  元非 (她在我的舌尖上且飞且舞)

  256页那段话的脚注，中文版换成了尾注，整本书的注释在一起。不知为何如此安排。 政治权力可以通过抽象的概念得到限制的观念就像传说中的不死鸟那样难以烧毁。在最近对17世纪40年代的英国政治文献的一项研究中，David L. Smith (1994)断言他发现了“立宪保皇主义”的政治学说，他把这种学说解释成英国君主的权力是受到“法治”限制的主张。在我看来，他用来支持这种理论时援引的著作家们完全缺乏理解一种并非严格的等级制的政治秩... (更多)

  256页那段话的脚注，中文版换成了尾注，整本书的注释在一起。不知为何如此安排。

  政治权力可以通过抽象的概念得到限制的观念就像传说中的不死鸟那样难以烧毁。在最近对17世纪40年代的英国政治文献的一项研究中，David L. Smith (1994)断言他发现了“立宪保皇主义”的政治学说，他把这种学说解释成英国君主的权力是受到“法治”限制的主张。在我看来，他用来支持这种理论时援引的著作家们完全缺乏理解一种并非严格的等级制的政治秩序的想象力……

  原文：

  The notion that a political power can be constrained by an abstraction is as difficult to destroy as the legendary Phoenix. In a recent study of the English political literature of the 1640s, David L. Smith (1994) claims to find that the political doctrine that then emerged was "constitutional royalism," which he construes as the contention that the power of the English monarch is limited by "the rule of law." It seems to me that the writers he cites in support of this theory simply lacked the imagination to conceive of any political order that was not strictly hierarchical... (收起)

  2011-01-31 17:07:12   回应

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• 

  第15页

  柳叶刀. (自从得了精神病我抑郁症就好多了)

  独裁统治的历史表明 不管统治着最初的意图是什么 独裁者都会一成不变的堕落成压迫性的暴政 说到底对权力的渴望并不是渴望占有行善的权利而是渴望占有权利本身 (更多)

  独裁统治的历史表明 不管统治着最初的意图是什么 独裁者都会一成不变的堕落成压迫性的暴政 说到底对权力的渴望并不是渴望占有行善的权利而是渴望占有权利本身 (收起)

  2011-05-15 17:32:34   回应

  收藏

  推荐
• 

  第256页

  元非 (她在我的舌尖上且飞且舞)

  早在1604年，在向国王请愿时，议会就轻率地蔑视都铎时期的君主的惯例，并直率地要求下院的实质性权利，这种权利被辩护成古已有之的东西。……爱德华·科克作为一名历史学权威的声望为英格兰的古代宪法的观念提供了受到议会党人无保留地欢迎的支持。现代历史学家们已经指出这种观念是完全缺乏经验基础的，但科克对这个观念的处理本身已经成了英国宪政历史的一个重要事实。根据他的观点，古代宪法是包含在英国的普通法之中的，而后者... (更多)

  早在1604年，在向国王请愿时，议会就轻率地蔑视都铎时期的君主的惯例，并直率地要求下院的实质性权利，这种权利被辩护成古已有之的东西。……爱德华·科克作为一名历史学权威的声望为英格兰的古代宪法的观念提供了受到议会党人无保留地欢迎的支持。现代历史学家们已经指出这种观念是完全缺乏经验基础的，但科克对这个观念的处理本身已经成了英国宪政历史的一个重要事实。根据他的观点，古代宪法是包含在英国的普通法之中的，而后者在当代英国依然保持活力并继续得到发展。这样，英格兰就可以被认为有一部体现在普通法院的判决之中的实在的宪法。随着国王的特权法院的摒弃和法官的安全保障的发展，法院开始成为英国政府中的一个独立的权力中心。正如我多次强调的，如果没有一个机构能够对君主对施加给他的约束的解释提出有效的挑战，国王要收到神意、自然法、为大众利益服务的职责的约束的观念都是没有价值的。在17世纪，不但议会被确定为一个有力的政治机构，法院作为政府和公民之间的一个保护性缓冲器在所有现代立宪政体中发挥的作用也已经被奠定了基础。

  原文：

  As early as 1604, in an address to the king, Parliament blithely disregarded the practices of the Tudor monarchs and minced no words in claiming substantial rights for the commons, which it defended as ancient...

  Edward Coke's reputation as a historical authority provided the notion of England's ancient constitution with support that parliamentarians welcomed uncritically. Modern historians have pointed out that it is totally devoid of empirical foundations (see, e.g., Hulme, 1960; Skinner, 1965), but Coke's treatment of the idea became, in itself, an important fact of English constitutional history. In his view, the ancient constitution was contained in the English common law, which remained alive, and continued to develop, in contemporary England. Thus England was argued to have a tangible constitution, embodied in the judgments of the common law courts. With the abandonment of the royal prerogative courts, and the development of secure tenure for judges, the judiciary began to emerge as an independent center of power in English government. As I have frequently emphasized, the notion that the Crown is constrained by divine will, or by natural law, or by the obligation to serve the salus populi, is of no account if there is no institution that can effectively challenge the monarch's interpretation of such constraints. During the seventeenth century not only did Parliament become established as a powerful political institution; the foundation was also laid for the role of the judiciary as a protective buffer between the government and the citizenry, a role that it plays in all modern constitutional polities. (收起)

  2011-01-31 17:00:54   回应

  收藏

  推荐
• 

  第303页

  元非 (她在我的舌尖上且飞且舞)

  256页那段话的脚注，中文版换成了尾注，整本书的注释在一起。不知为何如此安排。 政治权力可以通过抽象的概念得到限制的观念就像传说中的不死鸟那样难以烧毁。在最近对17世纪40年代的英国政治文献的一项研究中，David L. Smith (1994)断言他发现了“立宪保皇主义”的政治学说，他把这种学说解释成英国君主的权力是受到“法治”限制的主张。在我看来，他用来支持这种理论时援引的著作家们完全缺乏理解一种并非严格的等级制的政治秩... (更多)

  256页那段话的脚注，中文版换成了尾注，整本书的注释在一起。不知为何如此安排。

  政治权力可以通过抽象的概念得到限制的观念就像传说中的不死鸟那样难以烧毁。在最近对17世纪40年代的英国政治文献的一项研究中，David L. Smith (1994)断言他发现了“立宪保皇主义”的政治学说，他把这种学说解释成英国君主的权力是受到“法治”限制的主张。在我看来，他用来支持这种理论时援引的著作家们完全缺乏理解一种并非严格的等级制的政治秩序的想象力……

  原文：

  The notion that a political power can be constrained by an abstraction is as difficult to destroy as the legendary Phoenix. In a recent study of the English political literature of the 1640s, David L. Smith (1994) claims to find that the political doctrine that then emerged was "constitutional royalism," which he construes as the contention that the power of the English monarch is limited by "the rule of law." It seems to me that the writers he cites in support of this theory simply lacked the imagination to conceive of any political order that was not strictly hierarchical... (收起)

  2011-01-31 17:07:12   回应

  收藏

  推荐

• 

  第15页

  柳叶刀. (自从得了精神病我抑郁症就好多了)

  独裁统治的历史表明 不管统治着最初的意图是什么 独裁者都会一成不变的堕落成压迫性的暴政 说到底对权力的渴望并不是渴望占有行善的权利而是渴望占有权利本身 (更多)

  独裁统治的历史表明 不管统治着最初的意图是什么 独裁者都会一成不变的堕落成压迫性的暴政 说到底对权力的渴望并不是渴望占有行善的权利而是渴望占有权利本身 (收起)

  2011-05-15 17:32:34   回应

  收藏

  推荐
• 

  第303页

  元非 (她在我的舌尖上且飞且舞)

  256页那段话的脚注，中文版换成了尾注，整本书的注释在一起。不知为何如此安排。 政治权力可以通过抽象的概念得到限制的观念就像传说中的不死鸟那样难以烧毁。在最近对17世纪40年代的英国政治文献的一项研究中，David L. Smith (1994)断言他发现了“立宪保皇主义”的政治学说，他把这种学说解释成英国君主的权力是受到“法治”限制的主张。在我看来，他用来支持这种理论时援引的著作家们完全缺乏理解一种并非严格的等级制的政治秩... (更多)

  256页那段话的脚注，中文版换成了尾注，整本书的注释在一起。不知为何如此安排。

  政治权力可以通过抽象的概念得到限制的观念就像传说中的不死鸟那样难以烧毁。在最近对17世纪40年代的英国政治文献的一项研究中，David L. Smith (1994)断言他发现了“立宪保皇主义”的政治学说，他把这种学说解释成英国君主的权力是受到“法治”限制的主张。在我看来，他用来支持这种理论时援引的著作家们完全缺乏理解一种并非严格的等级制的政治秩序的想象力……

  原文：

  The notion that a political power can be constrained by an abstraction is as difficult to destroy as the legendary Phoenix. In a recent study of the English political literature of the 1640s, David L. Smith (1994) claims to find that the political doctrine that then emerged was "constitutional royalism," which he construes as the contention that the power of the English monarch is limited by "the rule of law." It seems to me that the writers he cites in support of this theory simply lacked the imagination to conceive of any political order that was not strictly hierarchical... (收起)

  2011-01-31 17:07:12   回应

  收藏

  推荐
• 

  第256页

  元非 (她在我的舌尖上且飞且舞)

  早在1604年，在向国王请愿时，议会就轻率地蔑视都铎时期的君主的惯例，并直率地要求下院的实质性权利，这种权利被辩护成古已有之的东西。……爱德华·科克作为一名历史学权威的声望为英格兰的古代宪法的观念提供了受到议会党人无保留地欢迎的支持。现代历史学家们已经指出这种观念是完全缺乏经验基础的，但科克对这个观念的处理本身已经成了英国宪政历史的一个重要事实。根据他的观点，古代宪法是包含在英国的普通法之中的，而后者... (更多)

  早在1604年，在向国王请愿时，议会就轻率地蔑视都铎时期的君主的惯例，并直率地要求下院的实质性权利，这种权利被辩护成古已有之的东西。……爱德华·科克作为一名历史学权威的声望为英格兰的古代宪法的观念提供了受到议会党人无保留地欢迎的支持。现代历史学家们已经指出这种观念是完全缺乏经验基础的，但科克对这个观念的处理本身已经成了英国宪政历史的一个重要事实。根据他的观点，古代宪法是包含在英国的普通法之中的，而后者在当代英国依然保持活力并继续得到发展。这样，英格兰就可以被认为有一部体现在普通法院的判决之中的实在的宪法。随着国王的特权法院的摒弃和法官的安全保障的发展，法院开始成为英国政府中的一个独立的权力中心。正如我多次强调的，如果没有一个机构能够对君主对施加给他的约束的解释提出有效的挑战，国王要收到神意、自然法、为大众利益服务的职责的约束的观念都是没有价值的。在17世纪，不但议会被确定为一个有力的政治机构，法院作为政府和公民之间的一个保护性缓冲器在所有现代立宪政体中发挥的作用也已经被奠定了基础。

  原文：

  As early as 1604, in an address to the king, Parliament blithely disregarded the practices of the Tudor monarchs and minced no words in claiming substantial rights for the commons, which it defended as ancient...

  Edward Coke's reputation as a historical authority provided the notion of England's ancient constitution with support that parliamentarians welcomed uncritically. Modern historians have pointed out that it is totally devoid of empirical foundations (see, e.g., Hulme, 1960; Skinner, 1965), but Coke's treatment of the idea became, in itself, an important fact of English constitutional history. In his view, the ancient constitution was contained in the English common law, which remained alive, and continued to develop, in contemporary England. Thus England was argued to have a tangible constitution, embodied in the judgments of the common law courts. With the abandonment of the royal prerogative courts, and the development of secure tenure for judges, the judiciary began to emerge as an independent center of power in English government. As I have frequently emphasized, the notion that the Crown is constrained by divine will, or by natural law, or by the obligation to serve the salus populi, is of no account if there is no institution that can effectively challenge the monarch's interpretation of such constraints. During the seventeenth century not only did Parliament become established as a powerful political institution; the foundation was also laid for the role of the judiciary as a protective buffer between the government and the citizenry, a role that it plays in all modern constitutional polities. (收起)

  2011-01-31 17:00:54   回应

  收藏

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