《自由的苏醒》阅读笔记（05）

2025年4月9日 星期三
第二部分 宣言的年代
第10章 最早的传单（共6节）
第1节
【P192】Despite this clear indication of a more pronounced Slavophil tendency, Dostoevsky tried to maintain Time’s good (or at least not yet overtly hostile) relations with the radical progressives of The Contemporary. Accordingly, he expresses regret at the sharpness of some of his polemics against “opinions which perhaps were in radical disagreement with our own”
第2节
【P195】 Refusal to obey the local authorities occurred in several districts, and the most widespread disorder of this kind took place in and around the small village of Bezdna in the province of Kazan. At this spot, a raskolnik named Anton Petrov acquired an immense authority over the peasantry of the region when, on the basis of an aberrant reading of the manifesto supposedly inspired by divine illumination, he proclaimed the “true liberation” which pretended to disclose the genuine intentions of the holy Tsar. Troops were finally sent in during April 1861 to arrest the agitator, who was telling the peasants not to comply with any of their obligations to the landowners; and when his followers refused to surrender him on command, several salvos were fired into the unarmed and peaceful mass. The official casualty figures listed fifty-one dead and seventy-seven wounded, but word-of-mouth reports spoke of several hundred casualties.  
第3节
【P198】《致青年一代》 No question now remained that a political change was envisaged, and that the authors had broken with Tsarism once and for all: “We do not need a power that oppresses us; we do not need a power that prevents the mental, civic, and economic development of the country; we do not need a power that raises corruption and self-seeking as its banner.” What Russia needs is “an elected leader receiving a salary for his services,” and Alexander II should be told that the greatest achievement of his reign—the liberation of the serfs—had created a new order in which he had become superfluous: “If Alexander does not understand this and does not wish voluntarily to make way for the people—so much the worse for him.” The general dissatisfaction can still be kept within bounds if the Tsar gives up the throne; but “if to achieve our ends, by dividing the land among the people, we have to kill a hundred thousand of the gentry, even that will not deter us.” 
【P199】Dostoevsky mentions To the Young Generation by name and was certainly familiar with its contents, whose willingness to contemplate the prospect of mass slaughter would probably have sent shivers down his spine (though he had not flinched from the same prospect himself twelve years before).
第4节
【P201】 By the fall of 1861, Dostoevsky had already published several installments of House of the Dead, and these sketches provided the Russian public with its first terrifying image of what lay ahead for those sentenced for a political crime. “At that time we knew about Siberia through Notes from the House of the Dead” wrote Shelgunov many years later, “and this, of course, was quite enough to make us fear for the fate of Mikhailov.” No writer was now more celebrated than Dostoevsky, whose name was surrounded with the halo of his former suffering, and whose sketches only served to enhance his prestige as a precursor on the path of political martyrdom that so many members of the younger generation had begun to suspect they might be forced to tread themselves. As a result, he was often asked to read from his works by student groups and for the benefit of worthy causes such as the Literary Fund and the Sunday-school movement.  …… Dostoevsky invariably accepted such invitations, both then and later, because he believed it of first importance to keep in touch with his potential readers. As his fame increased, he also hoped that it might be possible to exercise some influence on public opinion through his personal interventions. 
第11章 青年俄罗斯（共6节）
第1节
【P209】Young Russia burst like a thunderclap over the country, and, combined with the other disturbances of the time, created an atmosphere of confusion and panic. Both as an individual citizen distressed by social disarray, and as the editor of a journal required to take a stand on public issues, Dostoevsky was deeply involved with the crisis symbolized by the Young Russia proclamation; and his behavior at this crucial moment may be considered emblematic of the social-political stance he would always maintain in the future. For what he did, so far as possible, was to intervene in the turmoil with the hope of calming the extreme passions that were leading the blindly reckless radicals to disaster and might provoke the frightened government to measures of severe repression. He attempted, in other words, to play the role of a conciliator; and it was in such a capacity that he would continue to define his own role in the desperate struggle that tore Russian society apart during his lifetime.
第2节
【P211】 ……the description of what might occur if the victorious revolution encountered any resolute resistance: “The day will soon come when we will unfurl the great banner of the future, the red banner. And with a mighty cry of ‘long live the Russian Social and Democratic Republic,’ we will move against the Winter Palace to wipe out all those who dwell there.” Bloodshed would, so far as possible, be restricted to the Tsar and his immediate entourage; but if the “whole imperial party” rose in defense of the royal family, then “we will cry ‘To your axes’ and then we will... destroy them in the squares, if the cowardly swine dare to go there. We will destroy them in their houses, in the narrow streets of the towns, in the broad avenues of the capital, and in the villages. Remember that, when this happens, anyone who is not with us is against us and an enemy, and that every method is used to destroy the enemy.”5 Such indulgence in fantasies of mass carnage and total extermination, coupled with a direct threat against the royal family, imparted a sinister aura to Young Russia that horrified most of its readers and caused Dostoevsky to despair of the mental capacities of its authors. 
第3节
【P213】彼得堡的大火  But the Petersburg fires in the spring of 1862 surpassed anything known till then in the extent of damage and the mysterious inability to control the blazes. No one has established to this day who, if anyone, was responsible for the disaster, whether it was the work of incendiaries or simply of chance. Public opinion, which the authorities did nothing to counteract, immediately connected the catastrophe with the call for total destruction trumpeted by Young Russia; and such an association was all the more inevitable because fire, called by peasants the Red Rooster, had always been one of their traditional weapons against the landowners.
第6节
【P226】 He had tried to tell the young revolutionary hotheads through Chernyshevsky to tone down the incendiary words that lent credence to the slanders of their enemies; and he had struggled to defend them and the students against the popular fury by which they were threatened. For he knew very well, as he had indicated in The Insulted and Injured, that the reactionaries close to the seats of power were eagerly waiting to take full advantage of the menacing situation. His one aim, even if unsuccessful, had been to prevent events from reaching the point of no return—to check the increasingly reckless and defiant extremism on the one side and the increasingly blind and indiscriminate reaction on the other. It was an aim he was never totally to abandon, and to which he would always return the moment he saw a ray of hope. 
第12章 一个虚无主义者的画像
第1节
【P230】But whatever the reasons Dostoevsky may have given for his convictions, his years in Siberia had convinced him that the Russian peasantry was not “revolutionary” in the Western sense of desiring a new form of government to replace Tsarism; and he knew in his bones that no “unity” was possible between the peasants and the intelligentsia who might try to exploit their grievances for revolutionary ends. As things turned out, the predictions of Dostoevsky and his Time circle proved far more accurate than the overheated expectations of the young radicals: no revolution occurred, or anything that could really be considered a revolutionary threat.
第2节
【P231】 Even if no genuine revolution was on the point of taking place in Russia during the early 1860s, however, the events we have been chronicling mark a moment of great social-cultural importance. What they signify is the sensational advent on the Russian historical scene, in full force and as a dominating group, of a new generation of the intelligentsia largely different in social composition from the previous one and bringing with it a whole new set of ideas and values.  
【P233】屠格涅夫《父与子》At first, this new generation had vented their anger against existing conditions in the pages of literary journals; now they had moved on not only to distributing more or less violent proclamations but also, it was widely thought, had set Petersburg ablaze. And just at this very instant, by an extraordinary stroke of historical fortune, a great novel appeared portraying a raznochinets hero in all his self-proclaimed rebelliousness and irresistible strength.…… Turgenev’s novel immediately became the exclusive storm center of social-cultural controversy; and the debates over the character of Bazarov, who personified the split between the gentry-liberal intelligentsia of the 1840s and the radical raznochintsy of the 1860s, led to a new rift between two factions within the radical camp itself. These debates set the terms that dominated Russian social-cultural and literary life for the remainder of the decade, and they form an indispensable background for understanding some of Dostoevsky’s most important thematic concerns. Moreover, Time took an active part in the furious controversy over Turgenev’s novel and made a contribution that Turgenev himself considered crucial. 
第3节
【P237】Turgenev, however, did much more than merely “imagine” his central character; he also carefully studied the writings in which the new generation expressed its contemptuous rejection of the old, and he drew on the ideas he found there with remarkable precision. All the social-cultural issues of the day are reflected so accurately in the book that one Soviet Russian critic has rightly called it “a lapidary artistic chronicle of contemporary life.”16 Nonetheless, the shading that Turgenev gave to these issues was determined by his own artistic aims and ambiguous attitudes; like Dostoevsky, he could simultaneously sympathize with the ardent moral fervor of the young, deplore their intemperance, detest their ideas, and lament over their fate. Many of the positions that Bazarov advocates are not so much echoes of The Contemporary as subtle deformations and exaggerations calculated to reveal their ultimate implications and thus their dangerous potentialities. It is hardly surprising that partisans of these ideas should have found Turgenev’s rendition unacceptable; much more unexpected is that even one radical spokesman should have proclaimed Bazarov to be the beacon lighting up the path to the future.
第5节
【P245】Turgenev penetrates here, with consummate insight, to the anguishing dilemma of the young Russian radical of the 1860s, heart and soul dedicated to serving a people from whom he is totally alienated by his culture—a people on whose behalf he must surrender all claims to happiness, and yet who cannot even understand the nature or meaning of his self-sacrifice.
第7节
【P251】 Dostoevsky read Fathers and Children immediately on its magazine publication, at the beginning of March, and conveyed his admiration to Turgenev without delay. He received a reply before the month was out expressing Turgenev’s gratitude and satisfaction: “Dear Feodor Mikhailovich, it is useless to tell you how happy you made me by what you said about Fathers and Children. It is not a question here of the gratification of vanity, but rather the assurance that one, after all, has not made a mistake and has not entirely missed the mark.” Dostoevsky’s original letter has unfortunately been lost, but Turgenev’s reply assures him that he has perfectly understood the significance of the book: “You have so fully and sensitively grasped what I wished to express in Bazarov that I can only raise my hands in astonishment—and satisfaction. It is as if you had slipped into my soul and intuited even what I did not think necessary to utter. I hope to God that what you have said is not only the sharp penetration of a master but also the direct understanding of a reader—that is, I hope to God everyone sees even a part of what you have seen!”