《A History of Cambodia》的笔记-第11页
- 章节名：The Beginnings of Cambodian History
- 页码：第11页 2018-03-20 22:02:35
IndianizationThe notion of changelessness dissolves, however, when we discuss the first set of revolutionary changes that swept Cambodia at the beginning of the Christian ear. This was the phenomenon known as Indianization, whereby elements of Indian culture were absorbed or chosen by the Cambodian people in a process that lasted more than a thousand years. No one knows precisely when the process began or how it worked at different times. All-inclusive theories about it advanced by French and Dutch scholars usually put too little emphasis on the element of local choice; a few writers, on the other hand, have tended to exaggerate it. Generally, as George Coedes had remarked, scholars with training in Indian culture emphasize India’s ‘civilizing mission’; those trained in the social sciences stress the indigenous response.Historians must deal with both sides of the exchange. The process by which a culture changes is complex. When and why did Indian cultural elements come to be preferred to local ones? Which ones were absorbed, revised, or rejected? In discussing Indianization, we encounter the categories that some anthropologists have called ‘Great’ and ‘Little’ traditions, the first connected with India, Sanskrit, the courts, and Hinduism, and the other with ‘Cambodia,’ Khmer, villages, and folk-religion. In the Cambodian case, these categories are not especially useful. We cannot play down the Great Tradition in Cambodian village life; where does monastic Buddhism fit in, for example, or Little Tradition activities, like ancestor worship and folk stories, at the court? Village Hindu epics and Buddhist legends, or jakata tales, penetrated village life. The two aspects of society were complementary and antagonistic at different times.Nevertheless, the process of Indianization made Cambodia an Indian-seeming place. In the nineteenth century, for example, Cambodian peasants still wore recognizably Indian costumes, and in many ways they behaved more like Indians than they did like their closest neighbors, the Vietnamese. Cambodians ate with spoons and fingers, for example, and carried goods on their heads; they wore turbans rather than straw hats and skirts rather than trousers. Musical instruments, jewelry, and manuscripts were also Indian in style. It is possible also that cattle-raising in Cambodia had been introduced by Indians at a relatively early date; it is unknown, to a great extent, in the rest of mainland Southeast Asia.Trade between prehistoric India and Cambodia probably began long before India itself was Sanskritized. In fact, as Paul Mus has suggested, Cambodia and southern India, as well as what is now Bengal, probably shared the culture of ‘monsoon Asia,’ which emphasized the role played by ancestral, tutelary deities in the agricultural cycle. These were often located for ritual purposes in stones that naturally resembled phalluses or were carved to look like them. Sacrifices to the stones, it was thought, ensured the fertility of the soil. Cults like this were not confined to Asia, but it is useful to see, as Mus has, that an Indian traveler coming across them in Cambodia would ‘recognize’ them as Indian cults honoring the god Siva or one of his consorts. Similarly, a Cambodian visiting India, or hearing about it, would see some of his own cults in those that honored the Indian god.During the first five hundred years or so of the Christian era, India provided Cambodia with a writing system, a pantheon, meters for poetry, a language (Sanskrit) to write it in, a vocabulary of social hierarchies (not the same as a caste system), Buddhism, the idea of universal kingship, and new ways of looking at politics, sociology, architecture, iconography, astronomy, and aesthetics. Without India, Angkor would never have been built; yet Angkor was never an Indian city, any more then medieval Paris was a Roman one.Indian influence in Cambodia was not imposed by colonization or by force. Indian troops never invaded Cambodia, and if individual Indians enjoyed high status, as they often did, it was partly by convincing local people that they deserved it. When Indian colonists came, at first as adventurers perhaps, they were absorbed into the local population. Until very recently, therefore, Indianization failed to produce the identity crisis among Cambodians that the Chinese influence produced among the Vietnamese. Cambodia never resisted India, which was not, in any case, a unified state; moreover, unlike Vietnam vis-à-vis China, Cambodia never looked to India – after the fourteenth century or so – for new ideas, approval, or advice. Indianization gave a format and a language to elite Cambodian life, but it was not narrowly political. Moreover, the hierarchical arrangements that came to characterize the language and behavior of the Cambodian elite, although owing much to Indian models, never sprang from a recognizable caste system affecting Cambodian society as a whole. At the village level, caste considerations never took root; what resembled a caste ‘system’ at the medieval Cambodian court, moreover, probably was little more than a set of ritual procedures that showed respect for Indian traditions. Another by-product of Indianization in Cambodia is that Cambodian nationalism, unlike the Vietnamese counterpart, has not generally pictured itself as the product of a struggle against foreign invaders and advice. Instead, national identity, until recent times, was seen as the sum of social arrangements in effect inside Cambodia. Indianization and elements of life that are traceable to India (just as our polysyllables so often come from Greece and Rome) was not considered a reason for alarm.Like many Southeast Asian countries, Cambodia has a legend that traces its origin back to the marriage of a foreigner and a dragon-princess, or ‘nagi,’ whose father was the king of a waterlogged country. According to one version of the myth, a brahman named Kaundinya, armed with a magical bow, appeared one day off the shore of Cambodia; a dragon-princess paddled out to meet him. Kaundinya shot an arrow into her boat; this action frightened the princess into marrying him. Before the marriage, Kaundinya gave her clothes to wear, and in exchange, her father, the dragon-king, ‘enlarged the possessions of his son-in-law by drinking up the water that covered the country. He later built them a capital, and changed the name of the country to “Kambuja.”’This myth is of Indian origin, as is the name ‘Kambuja,’ and perhaps it describes some obscure confrontation that had occurred in the Aryanization of southern India rather than an event in Southeast Asia. But if it is useless as a ‘fact,’ it is an interesting starting point for Cambodian history. In the myth, Cambodians see themselves as the offspring of a marriage between ‘culture’ and ‘nature.’ Kaundinya’s acceptance by his father-in-law, who drains the kingdom for him is crucial to his success. This idea would have been familiar to Cambodians, for a prospective bridegroom often had to gain his father-in-laws’ approval by living with them before his marriage. In the myth, the local people (i.e. the dragons) respect the brahman and in his honor give the kingdom an Indian name (which first appears in a Cambodian inscription in the ninth century A.D.). Later on, monarchs would trace their ancestry to this mythical pair, who represented, among other things, a ‘marriage’ between the sun and the moon. To be a legitimate king, it seems, one had to be a Cambodian and an Indian at the same time. See I. W. Mabbett, ‘The Indianization of Southeast Asia,’ Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (JSEAS), Vol. 8, No. 1 (March 1977):1-14, and Vol. 8, No. 2(September 1977):143-161; and Paul Mus, India Seen from the East, trans. by I. W. Mabett and D. P. Chandler (Clayton, Australia, 1975). For linguistic evidence, see Judith M. Jacob, ‘Sanskrit Loanwords in Pre-Angkor Khmer,’ Mon-Khmer Studies VI (Honolulu, 1977), pp. 151-168. G. Coedes, The Making of Southeast Asia (London, 1966), pp. 54-55. See Paul Mus, L’angle de l’Asie, ed. S. Thion (Paris, 1977), especially pp. 109-121. I. W. Mebett, ‘“Varnas” in Angkor and the Indian Caste System,’ Journal of Asian Studies (JAS), Vol. 36, No. 3 (May 1977):429-442. L. Finot, ‘Sur quelques traditions indochinoises,’ Bulletin de la Commission Archéologique de l’Indochine (1911), pp. 20-37. See also Evéline Porée-Maspero, ‘Nouvelle étude sur le nagi Soma,’ Journal Asiatique (JA), Vol. 238 (1955):257-267. K. Bhattacharya, Les religions brahmaniques dans l’ancien Cambodge (Paris, 1961), p. 11n.
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