The Nature of Fascism

This comprehensive study, which draws on political, social and psychological theory, has been established among experts as one of the most important contributions to the understanding of generic fascism. Now available in paperback, The Nature of Fascism has been revised to meet the needs of students as well as general readers interested in the history and theory of fascist movements.

_The Nature of Fascism_ by Roger Griffin provides a unique contribution to the field of fascist studies. Griffin attempts to provide a definition for the essence of a series of movements and political regimes which were given rise to in the earlier part of this last century and which he believes constitute "fascism". The term fascism has fallen into much abuse and misuse in modern times, and it has become a part of our common linguistic currency used to define or demolish any movement which appears to have totalitarian or authoritarian underpinnings or which is overly oppressive. For instance, Marxist historians are especially prone to label as fascist any movement which is contrary to their own particular political ideology of history as class struggle. (This is particularly ironic because Marxism itself appears to be an extremely violent and oppressive ideology, not all that dissimilar from the ideologies of Mussolini or Hitler, in a word - fascist.) Griffin contends that there is such a thing as "generic fascism" of which the National Socialism of Hitler's Germany (Nazism) and the Fascism of Mussolini's Italy are two particular instances of. Griffin defines this generic fascism as: "Fascism is a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism. (p. 26)". Thus, fascism is a utopian revolutionary ideology which attempts to revive a form of ultra-nationalism - represented frequently by the myth of the phoenix, the mythical bird which arises new each day from its own ashes. Griffin argues against Eric Voegelin's thesis that fascism (particularly National Socialism) is a form of political religion, a revival of the Gnostic heresy with roots in the apocalyptic tradition represented by the medieval monastic Joachim of Fiore. (Here, I disagree slightly with Griffin's somewhat overly simplistic rejection of Voegelin. Voegelin is famous for saying that one must avoid the "immanentization of the eschaton", the attempt to create the Kingdom of God on Earth.) Once Griffin has succeeded in defining generic fascism to his satisfaction, he then goes on to explore the various political movements and regimes which are instances of it or which bear a resemblance to his definition but which fail to fulfill all of its requirements. First, Griffin discusses Italian Fascism, beginning with the proto-fascism (not fully fascist) in Italy before the rise of Benito Mussolini. The Italian proto-fascism arose out of various movements of Italian interventionists who combined with certain aspects of neo-syndicalism (whose principal expositor is that of Georges Sorel). Individuals such as D'Annunzio, Papini, and the Futurist movement in the arts led by Marinetti, combined under Mussolini to form the fascist movement in Italy. Griffin then discusses various aspects of Italian Fascism once it had come to full development in a totalitarian dictatorship under Mussolini, and also examines the various forms of postwar fascism in Italy. Next, Griffin turns his attention towards German Fascism (represented by National Socialism). In Germany, various forms of proto-fascism existed which finally completed itself in the fully fascist Third Reich regime under Adolf Hitler. Conservative revolutionaries, reactionary modernists, Volkish ideologues, and various proto-Nazi occultists were combined into a movement that gave rise to German National Socialism (Nazism). Griffin discusses the development of Nazism under Hitler and its completion in the demise of the Third Reich and the subsequent death of Hitler. Next, Griffin examines what he terms "abortive inter-war fascisms". These are various attempts to create a fascist movement in European nations (particularly those occupied by the Nazis). Griffin contends that fascist forces were always marginalized before they had the chance to come to full power. These movements include various "para-fascisms" (attempts to create a movement with the external trappings of fascism) among which are Vichy France and Franco's Spain (which was strongly reactionary but not truly and fully fascist). Finally, Griffin turns to non-European and postwar fascisms. These include regimes in South Africa (based on racialism) and Japan, which Griffin contends failed to become truly fascist. Griffin also examines mimetic forms of fascism (including NeoNazism) and various movements which are to be considered ultra-Right or conservative revolutionary. The book concludes with discussions on the psycho-historical bases of fascism (including examinations of myth and focusing on the theories of Arthur Koestler) and the socio-political determinants of fascism's success (which attempts to show why modern fascist movements have failed and been increasingly marginalized). I believe Griffin goes too far in labeling certain "New Right" intellectuals such as Alain de Benoist or Julius Evola with the fascist label. This label has been conveniently used by liberals to discredit different right wing thinkers who call for a "return to tradition" and a "renewal of the West". Also, I believe the most dangerous form of fascism in the modern world comes not from nationalist groups but from the global democratic elite themselves. In an era in which global hegemony is being concentrated into the hands of an ever decreasing in size select group of globalist profiteering elite, it is apparent that a new form of "fascism" is arriving upon us in the form of a New World Order. By itself, palingenetic movements are not necessarily to be avoided. It may be that a certain type of palingenetic movement is the only one possible to assure our survival of the viscitudes of modernity.