哈列维：《哲学激进主义的兴起》读书笔记

第一编 边沁的青年时代（1776-1789）

前言

哲学激进主义形成的总原因：（1）物理科学的发展，牛顿定理的发现使得整个自然科学建立在唯一一个法则之上成为可能，同时也使得发现一个能够有助于建立一个有关道德和社会生活现象的综合科学的类似原则成为希望。【3】（the development of the physical sciences, the discovery of Newton's principle which made it possible to found on a single law a complete science of nature, and the conception of the hope of discovering an analogous principle capable of serving for the establishment of a synthetic science of the phenomena of moral and social life pp.3.）（2）一定意义上由于科学的发展及其应用带来的进步导致了整个社会面临深刻危机，这要求整个既有的法律、经济以及政治体制的转型，并提出了各种改革方案，各色改革者层出不穷，这种危机最终要求建立能够将各种零散芜杂的观念统合起来的单一原则。【3】（a profound crisis in society, a crisis which was itself due in part to the development of science and to the progress of its practical applications, a crisis which called for transformations of the judicial, economic, and political regimes and gave rise to schemes lor reform and to reformers without number, a crisis, finally, which demanded a single principle capable of uniting into a single theoretic whole so many scattered notions pp.3.）哈列维指出，自1789年开始，关注于法律问题的功利主义学说已经全面建立，英国一直对其法律制度的相对优越性引以为豪而认为无须改革，因此，边沁只能在法国完成其大著，流行于欧陆，印行于瑞士；共识功利主义政治经济学等也得到充分发展。【3-4】

第一章 起源与原理

“如果心灵科学与社会科学显示出与牛顿物理学类似的实验和精确科学的特性，那么根据这些学科建立一种科学的道德与法律理论——建立普遍实用的科学——不也应该是一种可能吗？这就是激发英国人思考的问题，这一问题贯穿于边沁所处的整个世纪。对功利主义，或说哲学激进主义所作的界定，只能说，这是将牛顿原理应用于政治与道德事务所做的一种尝试工作。”【6】（Given a science of the mind and a science of society which exhibit the qualities both of the experimental and of the exact sciences analogous to the physics of Newton, should it not be possible to found on these new disciplines a moral and legal theory which would be scientific-the achievement of the universal practical science? Such is the problem which exercised thinking people in England throughout Bentham's century. What is known as Utilitarianism, or Philosophical Radicalism, can be defined as nothing but an attempt to apply the principles of Newton to the affairs of politics and of morals. pp.6.）这种道德牛顿主义中，观念的联想原理和功利原理取代万有引力原理的位置。【6】（In this moral Newtonianism the principle of the association of ideas and the principle of utility take the place of the principle of universal attraction. pp.6.）盖伊、哈奇逊、休谟、爱尔维修以及贝卡利亚等前驱。边沁《道德与立法原理导论》开篇的定义，边沁几乎没有区分道德与立法问题，而是把立法视为道德的一个特定分支；【26-7】（pp.26-7.）目的是要首先发现基于客观行为科学之上的道德与立法艺术，道德律令是客观人性法则的呈现而非道德学家主观偏好的表达。【27】（pp.27.）在哈列维看来，功利主义者特别是边沁的特质是：“既不是伟大的发明家，也不是伟大的观念编排者：通过将祖国以及时代的现行哲学简化为公式的形式，他们成功地建立了能够统合为一个共同学说的学派。”【33】（they were not so much great inventors as great arrangers od ideas: an It was due to this genius for logical arrangement that, by reducing to formulae the current philosophy of their country and of their century, they succeeded in forming a school which could unite in the profession of a common doctrine. pp.33.）

第二章 边沁的法哲学

在考察边沁的民法和刑罚学说后，哈列维考察了边沁学说与时代。1789年决定出版《导论》是因为功利主义学说在当前的官方道德学说中得到了快速发展，同时也是由于他的朋友担心佩利的著作广为流传会夺取他作为创新者和发明者应得的荣誉。致力于解决圆形监狱改革问题，这个问题是萦绕在他周围的整个英国正在讨论的问题。【90】（Why did Bentham make up his mind, in 1789, to publish his Introduction? He did so because the Utilitarian doctrine was making rapid progress in the current official morality, and because his friends feared that Paley, by means of his book which was already becoming popular, would deprive him of the reputation he deserved as an innovator and inventor. Why did he devote himself to the solution of the special problem of penitentiary reform? It was because this question was being discussed round about him all over England, because Howard had become famous by his philanthropic zeal, and because parliament was seeking remedies for the scandalous condition of the prisons. pp.85-6.）

第三章 经济与政治理论

经济理论部分考察了斯密和边沁。政治理论部分考察的是民主主义者与功利主义者的关系。边沁最初持蔑视或敌视态度，但法国三级会议对他的反思构成帮助。【158】既然卢梭的平等主义正在流行，他就要设法找到功利主义的公式。【159】

第二编 功利主义学说的演进：从1789年到1815年

大革命及其引发的欧洲危机带来如下问题：政治权利的行使和财富的享用是否应该在公民中更平均地分配。【169】（The Revolution, and the European crisis which it brought about, urgently confronted public opinion with the question whether both the exercise of political power and the enjoyment of wealth should not be more equally divided among citizens. pp.153.）柏克、麦金托什、潘恩、葛德文以及马尔萨斯的争论，功利主义在英国成为普遍的哲学。“从功利主义哲学出发，柏克推断出一个反民主的政治理论。”【175】为什么哈列维把柏克看作功利主义？西班牙战争开始后，英国人民再次成为反对拿破仑专制捍卫欧洲自由的斗士，这一事实使功利主义成为各种改革思想得以成型的模具，借功利主义语言表达自由主义思想？（At this time, therefore, one general fact was alone necessary for the principle of utility to become the mould in which all ideas of reform were to take shape-namely that, with the beginning of the war in Spain, the English people should once more become the champion of European liberty against the Napoleonic despotism. Henceforth, when liberal ideas once more gained some credit in England, was it not inevitable that they should be expressed in Utilitarian language, since it was, to a greater or less degree, the language spoken by everybody? pp.154.）詹姆斯·密尔与边沁在1808年的邂逅。哈列维的哲学理解能力似乎不够好，很多论述都很奇怪。

第三编 哲学激进主义

边沁区分错误与谬误，抨击经济学、政治和哲学上的谬误。“功利主义者像人们宣传的既不是服从也不是前辈；而是通过对人们自己的权利和利益的利己主义的维护实现社会的总体繁荣为了们确信这一点，功利主义才着手破坏传统哲学在理性和感性、责任和经济之间建立的二元论；正如理性是对感性进行整理的自然产物一样，道德秩序必然产生于利益的均衡。因此，正是由于边沁和詹姆斯·密尔的努力，道德和逻辑上的诡辩式的混乱逐渐消失了，哲学思想的简化为法律的简化准备了道路。”【339】（But the Utilitarians preached to men neither obedience nor humility; it was by the egoistic defence of their own rights and their own interests that they invited them to realise the general prosperity. In order to convince them, they set about destroying the dualism established by the traditional philosophy between reason and sensation, between duty and interest; as reason is the natural product of the arrangement of sensations, moral order necessarily results from the equilibrium of interests. Thus, thanks to Bentham and James Mill, the sophistical obscurities of morals and logic melted away, and the simplification of philosophic thought prepared the way for the simplification of law pp.315.）利己主义的融洽？奇怪的判断【520】