本书一些翻译问题
说明:主要是对照着原文读时的一些随手记录,并没有从头到尾校对。
Familiar cases remind us that exclusions could become contentious if the social spaces in which they occurred blurred the line between communal and public. (p.15)
“一些常见的例子提醒我们,如果排外现象所发生的社会空间模糊了部分群体和公众之间的界限那么这个所谓的排外现象可能是值得怀疑的。”(16页)
应为:一些常见的例子提醒我们,如果发生排外现象的社会空间模糊了社群与公共之间的界限,这种排外行为可能就会引起争议。
Nationalist discourse and protest so saturate the sources of Republican Chinese history that they have engendered a certain skepticism about the harms that they tried to redress. (p.16)
“民族主义者的言论和抗争,如此深刻地烙印在中华民国史之中,以至他们对自己试图破除的危害也产生了某种怀疑。”
应为:民族主义言论和抗争如此充斥着整个民国史,以致(人们对)他们试图纠正的危害产生了某种怀疑。产生怀疑的显然不是民族主义者,而是怀疑民族主义话语对外国侵略者的危害夸大其词的研究者。
Although the Chinese nationalists involved in it undeniably indulged in polemics…(p.16-17)
“尽管参与辩论的中国民族主义者都极具辩才……”(17页码)
Indulge in polemics不是极具辩才,而是沉溺于论战之中,经常发表激烈、引战性的观点。
The representation of Qing officials within the expansionist discourse of the 1860s as naively fearful of technology unquestionably elided any acknowledgment or consideration of Qing sovereignty. (p.44)
“在19世纪60年代的扩张主义话语中,清政府官员表现出的对技术的天然畏惧,超过了他们对清朝主权的考虑。”(44页)
应为:19世纪60年代(中国通们)的扩张主义话语把清朝官员表现成对技术具有天然畏惧,这毫无疑问忽略了对清朝主权的承认或考虑。
Not only was Qing opposition to the extension of steam navigation a concrete and pragmatic defense of the dynasty’s sovereign concerns with its own control, order, and revenue streams at stake, but the very Zongli yamen and Western Affairs officials who argued against extension of foreign navigation were instrumental in the actual deployment of steamship technology in Qing China. (p.44-45)
“清政府对轮运扩张的反对,不仅是捍卫王朝统治、秩序和财政收入等主权的实际可行的举措,而且反对列强航运扩张的总理衙门和洋务官员,在实际部署清朝轮船工业技术中也以现实为导向。”(44页)
应为:清政府对轮运扩张的反对不仅是出于捍卫王朝主权的具体、务实的考虑(这直接关涉其统治、秩序和财政收入),而且反对列强航运扩张的总理衙门和洋务官员往往正是在清朝中国实际采纳轮船技术的推动者。
Although the China Hands had rejected the idea that trade could be improved by gradually opening more treaty ports, the Chefoo Convention did just that…(p.48)
“尽管‘中国通’拒绝了通过逐步开放更多的通商口岸来促进贸易的想法,但《烟台条约》的确做到了。”(48页)
后半句应为:但《烟台条约》正是这样做的。这句说的是条约与中国通此前想法的对比,与做到什么无关。
…the charge that they are exceptional spaces that offer little insight into conditions across China remains difficult to counter. (p.58)
“但关于它们是特殊空间的指控仍然难以反驳,因为很难通过他们了解全国的情况。”(58页)
应为:但关于它们是特殊空间、对了解全国情况无法提供多大启发的指控仍然难以反驳。“Offer little insight into conditions across China”是指控的一部分,不是难以反驳的原因。
By the 1870s, an alignment of capital and flag in the shipping business made the flags that steamships flew undeniably essential. (p.64)
“到19世纪70年代,航运业中资本与旗帜统一,在船上悬挂旗帜成为一种规定行为。”
应为:到19世纪70年代,航运业中资本与旗帜统一,使得船上所悬挂旗帜(的国籍)无可否认地变得具有本质性。这一句应与上一段一起理解:在“万国并举”的时代,船旗国与船东背后的资本来源国并不具有必然联系,但到19世纪70年代这一现象不再成立。
…and saw behind China Navigation “[a] practically unlimited supply of British pride and capital.” (p.77)
“……看到太古轮船公司背后是‘英国自豪感和资本在实践中的无限供应。’”
Practically不是“在实践中”,而是“几乎”。
…at double the prevailing freight rate on this route. (p.82)
“是按此前运费的两倍价格……”(82页)
不是此前运费的两倍,而是当前航路上主流运费的两倍。
Nevertheless, it was likely the functionality and viability of the China Merchants Company as a conference participant that allowed the government to turn to other priorities in these years of dynastic crisis. (p.96)
“但是,轮船招商局作为公会成员还能在清王朝风雨飘摇的这些年间存活下来,是因为清政府可以通过它寻求其他有利条件。”(95页)
应为:尽管如此,很可能正是招商局作为公会成员的功能性与生存能力,使得清政府可以在王朝风雨飘摇之时转而处理其他优先事务。
…thus using participants’ financial resources to run newer arrivals off the route. (p.99)
“……利用成员们的财政资源把新来者逐出航线。”(98页)
这里的financial resources指各成员的财务资源,与财政(public finance)显然无关。
The conference was unquestionably powerful, but guild taboos provided a check on the demands it could make of shippers. (p.103)
“公会无疑是有这种能力的,但借处理行会罢运之机,公会可以名正言顺地了解托运商们的诸种诉求。”(103页)
应为:公会毫无疑问很强大,但行会的罢运活动(一定程度上)制衡了公会对托运商提出的(过分)索求。
…and began to support the development of a Japanese merchant steam fleet that could also aid the military.
“于是开始支持本国商业船队的发展,这也有助于日本军力的提升。”
应为:于是开始支持一支同时可资军用的日本商业船队的发展。Aid the military译为有助于军力提升似是而非,更直接的意思是战时商船队可以为军队所调用。
Apart from these structures were the daily practices…of overseeing disparate spaces aboard the steamship. (p.134)
“除了这些结构,还监督轮船上不同空间的日常做法……”(131页)
应为:除了这些结构,还有监督轮船上不同空间的日常做法。“监督轮船上不同空间的日常做法”整个都是整句的主语,一字之差就导致意思混淆。
Nineteenth-century Chinese journalists furnished a very different view as they worked to fathom the steamship space…as it completely confounded their expectations of social relations. (p.135)
“而19世纪的中国记者在考察轮船空间……时,提出了截然不同的观点,因为它证明外人对社会关系的预判完全是错误的。”(132页)
应为:19世纪的中国记者则在考察轮船空间时提出了一种非常不同的看法,因为它(轮船空间)完全搅乱了他们(记者)对社会关系的预期。本句中it和their分别指代的是steamship space和nineteenth-century Chinese journalists。
This was a low-cost, minimalist management strategy…(p.136)
“这种管理策略成本低、易执行……”(133页)
应为:这是一种低成本、极简式的管理策略。用“易执行”翻译minimalist并不准确。
The low cost of using compradors was balanced against substantial problems of control for the companies…(p. 139)
“使用买办的低廉成本被公司管理中遇到的种种实际问题所抵消……” (136页)
应为:使用买办的低廉成本需要与公司所面临的显著的控制(代理人)问题相权衡。这里problem of control的实质就是代理问题(agency problem),因为买办出于自身利益可能会做出损害公司利益的行为。Balance against也不是抵消,而是比较权衡。
Even daily interactions between these strata of the crew were mediated by the broker relationship: usually only the boatswain or head fireman spoke enough pidgin English to communicate with the ship’s officers, who relied on these intermediaries to translate orders to the Chinese-speaking crew. (p.143-144)
“尽管不同阶层船员之间的日常互动也是由经纪人居中达成的,但实际情况通常是:只有水手长或消防队长能说洋泾浜十足的英文与船上长官交流,但后者仍依靠这些中间人把命令翻译给说中文的船员。”(140页)
应为:甚至这些不同阶层船员之间的互动也是经由居间关系达成:一般情况下只有水手长或司炉长能用洋泾浜英文与船上长官交流,后者依靠这些中间人把命令翻译给说中文的船员。译文的“尽管……但”制造了原句中不存在的转折关系。此外fireman也不是消防队员,而是司炉。
The privileging of foreign passengers was evident …in the separate management of the foreign and Chinese classes. (p.149)
“外国乘客在……中外各舱的管理方面都享有明显特权。”(145页)
应为:外国乘客的特权体现于对中外客舱的分别管理。不是外国成果在管理方面有特权,而是因为轮船公司对于中外乘客客舱进行区分管理,所以才体现出特权。
H.E. Governor Pan & suite…(p.157)
“潘省长,套房。”(153页)
这里& suite不是套房,而是“及其随从”。
Despite the circumspection of the policy, the Nagoya survey reports that the British companies excluded Chinese passengers from the foreign first class as a matter of course. (p.158)
“名古屋调查报告称这项政策尽管慎重,但英国公司还是认为拒绝中国乘客进入外国头等舱的行为是理所当然的。”(154页)
应为:尽管政策本身审慎,但名古屋调查报告称英国公司还是常规性地拒绝中国乘客进入外国头等舱。As a matter of course应理解为日常、常规性、非特殊、符合一般预期。
It was perhaps a sign of the foreign first class’s exclusivity that it generated relatively little commentary from Chinese passengers and in the Chinese media. (p.169)
“外国头等舱排外的一个特点,也许是中国乘客和中国媒体对此评论相对较少。”(165页)
应为:外国头等舱排他性的一个体现也许正在于中国乘客和中国媒体对此评论相对较少。这句要说的是:正由于外国头等舱具有排他性,一般中国旅客乃至媒体都难以窥其全貌,反过来印证了这种排他性的存在。
The temporary sanctuary from Chinese authority that steamships provided was also significant when authority on land was contested. In the days following the 1911 Wuchang Uprising, Jardine, Matheson’s agent at Hankou persuaded the firm’s comprador and his staff to remain in the city by offering to house them and their families aboard the steamer Changwo. (p.336, N.124)
“当陆上机构受到挑战时,中国当局提供的临时避难所也很重要。怡和洋行在汉口的代理人提出让公司买办及其员工和家人住在‘昌和号’轮船上,以此说服他们留在汉口。”(337页注124)
Sanctuary from Chinese authority译反了,不是中国当局提供的避难,而是避开中国当局权力的庇护。Authority on land was contested不是陆上机构受到挑战,而是当陆上的权力处于角逐状态时。此外1911年武昌起义这个时点也漏译了。
…the weakening effect of nationalist politics on the conference system…(p.181)
“民族主义政治对公会体系的影响力日益弱化……”(178页)
应为:民族主义政治对公会系统的弱化效应。因为民族主义政治抬头,所以公会系统被削弱了。
…diplomats and lawyers argued for the abrogation of those treaty clauses that violated China’s sovereignty as an equal member of the “family of nations” in international venues such as the Paris Peace and the Washington Conference (1921–22). (p.186-187)
“……外交官和律师主张,废除那些侵犯中国主权的条约条款,这些条款将不利于中国在诸如巴黎和会(1919)和华盛顿会议(1921—1922)这样的国际舞台上,成为‘国际大家庭’中的平等一员。”
应为:外交官和律师在巴黎和会和华盛顿会议这样的国际场合上主张废除侵犯中国主权的条约,因为这些条约违反了中国作为国际大家庭中平等一员的主权。
Reminiscent of the Qing-period taboos…(p.196)
“这不禁让人想起清朝时期的禁区……”(193页)
Taboo这里应该作罢运解,译本在其他处对本词的翻译是准确的。
The showdown with the Japanese…(p. 232)
“日本的摊牌……”(227页)
不是日本的摊牌,而是对日本的摊牌。
The companies finalized an agreement in the summer of 1935, just as an excellent harvest began to improve trade conditions. (p.249)
“1935年夏,六公司最终达成协议,就像获得大丰收,贸易状况开始改善。”(243页)
不是就像获得大丰收,而是恰逢大丰收,改善了贸易状况。
Given the importance of socialist or socialist-influenced modes of development in China and India at this time, it would be easy to dismiss these post-Liberation/post-Independence shipping regimes as the outcomes of an ideology hostile to enterprise. (p.252)
译本中删去了此句。
At the same time, the Chinese labor movement attacked steamship companies’ use of labor recruiters to hire crews…(p.255)
“与此同时,中国工人运动抨击了轮船公司将劳工招聘作为招募船员的办法……”(249页)
Labor recruiters、broker在译本中被译为“经纪人”、“蛇头”还有本处的“劳工招聘”,都不够准确,其实就是指包工头,原书中的broker relationship很多时候指的实际上也是包工制。
In redesigning and redefining the social space, it made a clear case for Chinese expertise and competency…(p.256)
“它在重新设计和定义社会空间时,明确考虑了中国人的专长和能力……”(250页)
Make a clear case for不是明确考虑,而是指证明了中国人的专业水平和能力。
A large majority of non-Chinese holding Chinese certifications…were Russians. (p.261)
中文版把这一页的几处Russians翻译为苏联人,显然不准确,尤其下一句马上提到Russian refugees in China at this time were stateless,显然文中提到的这部分在华俄国人主要是来自旧沙俄的政治难民。译本的翻译方式直接导致“苏联人曾参与外国公司镇压罢工”(255页)这样的翻译事故。
Brokers were seen as exploitative for charging workers for their positions, collecting their wages, and keeping them in debt…(p.262)
“经纪人被视为剥削者,因为他们收取工人工位费,总承工人工资,并为之负债……”(256页)
包工头不是总承工人工资并为之负债,而是统一支取工资,并确保工人们深陷负债。
…the Canton and Shanghai branches of the union remained important checks on the power of steamship companies to dictate terms to the crews. (p.263)
“……但广州和上海分会仍继续审查轮船公司对船员的重要指令。”(256-257页)
应为:但广州和上海分会仍然对轮船公司对船员发号施令的权力构成了重要制约。译文两处都未正确翻译出check制衡、制约的意思(题外话:这是否变相说明checks and balance在中文语境中的普及率还不够)。
…it remained outside the control of any specific authority but was firmly associated with Chineseness and Chinese preferences. (p.263)
“它不受任何专门权力监管,但与中国的国民性和中国人的偏好密切相关。”(257页)
后半部分译为“被认为与中国性和中式偏好密切相关”似乎更准确些。
As much as the colonial critique of John Chinaman focused on issues like bodily deportment and hygiene, its target was Chinese indiscipline, ungovernability, and ultimately inability to govern. (p.264)
“对‘中国佬’的殖民批判集中在诸如举止和卫生等问题上,同样,解决茶房危机的目标也对准了中国人无组织无纪律、最终无法管理之上。”(258页)
应为:尽管殖民者对“中国佬”的批判(表面上)集中在身体仪态和卫生这一类的议题上,它(实际上)的目标是中国人的无纪律性、不可治理性,并最终指向中国人缺乏治理能力。
For Chinese nationalists, such a visible confirmation of this stereotype was increasingly insupportable. (p.264)
“对于中国民族主义者来说,对这种陈旧观念的公然论证定然是越发不可接受的。”(258页)
应为:对于中国民族主义者来说,这种对刻板印象的看得见的确证越发不可令人接受。
Many companies sought to distance themselves from the earlier organization of the passenger space…(p.279)
“很多公司苦于找不到合适的方式脱离乘客空间的早期组织方式……”(272页)
应为:很多公司力图使自身远离早期组织乘客空间的方式。
In early 1950, Lu Zuofu and the Minsheng fleet returned to mainland China. By February 1952, Lu was dead, having committed suicide as the Five-Anti campaign progressed in the Minsheng Company in Chongqing. (p.298)
译本中删去了这句。卢作孚的结局,让人叹息。