back up
这篇书评可能有关键情节透露
chapter 1
p3.exams the rise of elite networks composed of nouveau-riche enterprenuers ,state enterprise managers and government officials.
considers these networks, which are mainly composed of men, as gendered social formations governed by an ethics of brotherhood, loyalty and patronage.
analyze the ways in which the relationships are formed between elite men through shared experiences of leisure and the importance of these relationships in organizing business ventures, orienting personal morality and performing social status.
p13 the definition of the new rich
政治上倾向于保守 有一定的经济基础和当地的人脉关系 和政府有一定程度的往来(但并非贵族)
内部类型: 暴发户
国企老总
p23 something about guanxi
chapter 2
p38 evolving repertorie of practices that entreprenuers used to cultivate relationships with both state officials and other entrepreneurs and the effect of these social networks on their business ventures and interpersonal ethics.i argue that viewing these networks as gendered social formations as crucial to understanding their structures and ethos.
p40
elite entertainment are gendered spaces in that in that they cater to heterosexual male pleasure.
these ventures are the key sites for the performation and the reproduction of the ideologies and the practices of postmao elite masculinity.
relaitonships between men are forged quite literally over the bodies of women.
p47. Spatially, KTV, nightclubs and even teahouses are hiercharally arranged.
p74 conclusion
the effectiveness of this exchange depends on the understanding of the women involved as not objects, but as subjects, with their own motivations and desires that men can only hope to influence.
it is the noncommodifiable and autonous nature of these women's desire that serve as the source of their values in mirroring the men's status and mediating relationships between men.
chapter 3
p80.widens the analytical scope to exam the operation of these networks in the overlapping worlds of officialdom and business ,looking at how state power and resources, in addition to private wealth and informal power, flow through these networks.
examine the workings of three of these networks and their associated moral economies:unwritten rules of officialdom;an organizational ideaology of a criminal brotherhood;networks of entrepreneurs, bureacrats and gangsters that underlie the real estate development
p85
corruption primarily as a product of involving informal formations of power in contemporary China. corruption as a larger social phenomenon relies on the coordination and cooperation of others. in contemporary china, it is built on personalistic networks of mostly men bound together by overlapping ties of affection, interest, loyalty and mutual obligation that permeate different levels of state and society.
i view the practices associated with corruption as rooted in strategic alliances that contain their own forms of morality and transgression.
p87 corruption confessional/;at the gate of hell
p93 face and other defects in the national character
these two might have methodology flaws in that the materials deployed here came from a book but not fieldwork. Although in the book, the author attempted to show the book's validity by comparing the book with several cases or scentences his informants ever said, still it is unconvincing enough.
p99 ethics problems facing the anthropologist as a researcher, might be useful to you in your future research on the antique market in China.
p99 the problem is not how to deepen the relationship, but rather how to maintain distance.
the author's advantage lies in that as a foreigner, local people are willing to get him involved in order to get a sence of international.
p106
the reorganization of state power during the reform period should be understood as resulting in the interplay of multiple modes of power rather than simply as an expansion of the market and the retreat of the state.
p110
two different trajectories of elite power in contemporary china:
the privatization of the state---the appropriation of the state resources by non state elites.
&the official penetration and the co-optation of the informal modes of power such as the masculine solidarity of the underworld gangs.
p111
these elite networks provide protection and opportunities for the accumulation of wealth and status for both officials and non state elites, and they are also the network through which the state-driven goals of economic developments are achieved.
chapter 4
p118
I understand elite identity for many wealthy Chinese to be rooted in a notion of "recognition" rather than distinction.
their economical capitals by no meaning automatically translate into social or cultural capital.
recognition:highlight the fundamentally social origins of status for china's new rich.because the status is conferred by others, being recognized as belonging to a particular group, dependent on the precarious and frickle perceptions of and relationships with both proximate and distant others.
p120
this chapter examines many of the contradictions and anxieties generated by the boss status ideal when confronted with competing understanding of how to be elite, ideals that are in many ways informed by the imaginary of consumer individualism.
ironically, the new rich want to be indepent and live for themselves, no more drinking and yingchou with others. But this process is exactly the source of their presitage.
indulging in individual pursuits and forms of distinctions, which is understood by many as the hallmarks of the elite status in western countries, leads to a kind of social invisibility that undermines the very foundations of their boss status.
p121
for chinese elites, consumption is not only a display of their own status but also a form through which their relationships with other elites are formed.
p123
many concieves of consumption as a necessary performance they enacted for others that bore little relationship to their personal desires and tastes.
p139
the anxiety of my informants are spawned by an assumption that recognition and status do not accrue automatically from the possession of money and luxury goods, but are an outcome of the subjective states-the hearts and minds of others.
p140
this anxiety is rooted in the deeper uncertainty and risk associated with seeking recognition from from unseen, unknown others who are presumed to be hostile.
chaptet 5
p145
begin by examining the discourse of gray women as well as other catagories of women whose status is defined by their position within a matrix of wealth, femeninity as sexuality. examine the stererotype sorounding these women and the ways in which they both appropriate and subvert it.
p146
how female entrepreneurs navigate the masculine, sexsualized spaces of business entertaining
chapter 6
p185
the features of network depicted in this book:oriented towards the accumulation of wealth, power, status. But they do so as institutions that have their own internal moral economies. at the elite level, they trancend state and society as well as legimate and illegimate moral worlds.
p3.exams the rise of elite networks composed of nouveau-riche enterprenuers ,state enterprise managers and government officials.
considers these networks, which are mainly composed of men, as gendered social formations governed by an ethics of brotherhood, loyalty and patronage.
analyze the ways in which the relationships are formed between elite men through shared experiences of leisure and the importance of these relationships in organizing business ventures, orienting personal morality and performing social status.
p13 the definition of the new rich
政治上倾向于保守 有一定的经济基础和当地的人脉关系 和政府有一定程度的往来(但并非贵族)
内部类型: 暴发户
国企老总
p23 something about guanxi
chapter 2
p38 evolving repertorie of practices that entreprenuers used to cultivate relationships with both state officials and other entrepreneurs and the effect of these social networks on their business ventures and interpersonal ethics.i argue that viewing these networks as gendered social formations as crucial to understanding their structures and ethos.
p40
elite entertainment are gendered spaces in that in that they cater to heterosexual male pleasure.
these ventures are the key sites for the performation and the reproduction of the ideologies and the practices of postmao elite masculinity.
relaitonships between men are forged quite literally over the bodies of women.
p47. Spatially, KTV, nightclubs and even teahouses are hiercharally arranged.
p74 conclusion
the effectiveness of this exchange depends on the understanding of the women involved as not objects, but as subjects, with their own motivations and desires that men can only hope to influence.
it is the noncommodifiable and autonous nature of these women's desire that serve as the source of their values in mirroring the men's status and mediating relationships between men.
chapter 3
p80.widens the analytical scope to exam the operation of these networks in the overlapping worlds of officialdom and business ,looking at how state power and resources, in addition to private wealth and informal power, flow through these networks.
examine the workings of three of these networks and their associated moral economies:unwritten rules of officialdom;an organizational ideaology of a criminal brotherhood;networks of entrepreneurs, bureacrats and gangsters that underlie the real estate development
p85
corruption primarily as a product of involving informal formations of power in contemporary China. corruption as a larger social phenomenon relies on the coordination and cooperation of others. in contemporary china, it is built on personalistic networks of mostly men bound together by overlapping ties of affection, interest, loyalty and mutual obligation that permeate different levels of state and society.
i view the practices associated with corruption as rooted in strategic alliances that contain their own forms of morality and transgression.
p87 corruption confessional/;at the gate of hell
p93 face and other defects in the national character
these two might have methodology flaws in that the materials deployed here came from a book but not fieldwork. Although in the book, the author attempted to show the book's validity by comparing the book with several cases or scentences his informants ever said, still it is unconvincing enough.
p99 ethics problems facing the anthropologist as a researcher, might be useful to you in your future research on the antique market in China.
p99 the problem is not how to deepen the relationship, but rather how to maintain distance.
the author's advantage lies in that as a foreigner, local people are willing to get him involved in order to get a sence of international.
p106
the reorganization of state power during the reform period should be understood as resulting in the interplay of multiple modes of power rather than simply as an expansion of the market and the retreat of the state.
p110
two different trajectories of elite power in contemporary china:
the privatization of the state---the appropriation of the state resources by non state elites.
&the official penetration and the co-optation of the informal modes of power such as the masculine solidarity of the underworld gangs.
p111
these elite networks provide protection and opportunities for the accumulation of wealth and status for both officials and non state elites, and they are also the network through which the state-driven goals of economic developments are achieved.
chapter 4
p118
I understand elite identity for many wealthy Chinese to be rooted in a notion of "recognition" rather than distinction.
their economical capitals by no meaning automatically translate into social or cultural capital.
recognition:highlight the fundamentally social origins of status for china's new rich.because the status is conferred by others, being recognized as belonging to a particular group, dependent on the precarious and frickle perceptions of and relationships with both proximate and distant others.
p120
this chapter examines many of the contradictions and anxieties generated by the boss status ideal when confronted with competing understanding of how to be elite, ideals that are in many ways informed by the imaginary of consumer individualism.
ironically, the new rich want to be indepent and live for themselves, no more drinking and yingchou with others. But this process is exactly the source of their presitage.
indulging in individual pursuits and forms of distinctions, which is understood by many as the hallmarks of the elite status in western countries, leads to a kind of social invisibility that undermines the very foundations of their boss status.
p121
for chinese elites, consumption is not only a display of their own status but also a form through which their relationships with other elites are formed.
p123
many concieves of consumption as a necessary performance they enacted for others that bore little relationship to their personal desires and tastes.
p139
the anxiety of my informants are spawned by an assumption that recognition and status do not accrue automatically from the possession of money and luxury goods, but are an outcome of the subjective states-the hearts and minds of others.
p140
this anxiety is rooted in the deeper uncertainty and risk associated with seeking recognition from from unseen, unknown others who are presumed to be hostile.
chaptet 5
p145
begin by examining the discourse of gray women as well as other catagories of women whose status is defined by their position within a matrix of wealth, femeninity as sexuality. examine the stererotype sorounding these women and the ways in which they both appropriate and subvert it.
p146
how female entrepreneurs navigate the masculine, sexsualized spaces of business entertaining
chapter 6
p185
the features of network depicted in this book:oriented towards the accumulation of wealth, power, status. But they do so as institutions that have their own internal moral economies. at the elite level, they trancend state and society as well as legimate and illegimate moral worlds.