In 1968, a ragtag group of Palestinian guerrillas burst onto the world stage as part of a global offensive that combined controversial armed operations, diplomacy, and revolutionary politics. In the following years, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) forced the question of Palestine to the forefront of the world's attention and cement its status as the sole legitimate representative of a nation of people striving for statehood. While their spectacular acts of revolutionary violence - hijackings, guerrilla attacks, suicide operations - seized headlines and made the PLO the face of "international terrorism" in the 1970s, it would be the organization's diplomatic campaign that would propel it to prominence in the global arena. By the middle years of the decade, the PLO would stand beside Vietnamese, Cuban, Algerian, and South African guerrilla fighters at the vanguard of a new generation of revolutionaries in the Third World. More than just a subplot in the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Palestinian struggle sat the juncture of a critical phase in the Cold War and the wave of revolutions that swept through the Third World in the 1960s. Using Arabic sources and recently declassified U.S. documents, The Global Offensive returns the PLO's story to its international context. As the PLO gained both prestige and infamy, leaders in both the United States and the Soviet Union hastened to come to terms with this new force in Middle Eastern affairs. Fearing the PLO's potential to revolutionize the Arab world and project armed violence across a global spectrum, American leaders faced the choice of establishing diplomatic relations with the organization or crafting a containment policy for a new generation of Arab revolutionaries. Their decisions--along with those of Palestinian, Arab, and Israeli leaders--would have dramatic implications into the twenty-first century and help to remake the art of revolution and the structure of global power in the late-Cold War world and beyond. However, despite its sweeping victories in the international system, the Palestinian liberation struggle would not gain statehood in the twentieth century.
0 有用 Rhaenys 2024-09-22 01:30:47 上海
学到太多。作者研究美国中东外交,从美国档案论述70年代初巴以局势的新发展。六日战争后242决议提出土地换和平的框架,“很难想象五十年后问题还没解决”。正规军队的失败刺激了边境游击队和国际“恐怖主义”的形成,西岸和加沙被占领使巴勒斯坦进一步融入第三世界反殖民革命叙事,驱逐和流亡也不可避免导致约旦和黎巴嫩的撕裂与内战。以色列的军事镇压永远只能激起更多仇恨和杀戮,美国遏制苏联目标优先于中东和平,巴勒斯坦... 学到太多。作者研究美国中东外交,从美国档案论述70年代初巴以局势的新发展。六日战争后242决议提出土地换和平的框架,“很难想象五十年后问题还没解决”。正规军队的失败刺激了边境游击队和国际“恐怖主义”的形成,西岸和加沙被占领使巴勒斯坦进一步融入第三世界反殖民革命叙事,驱逐和流亡也不可避免导致约旦和黎巴嫩的撕裂与内战。以色列的军事镇压永远只能激起更多仇恨和杀戮,美国遏制苏联目标优先于中东和平,巴勒斯坦统一战线难以形成,各方无法坐上日内瓦的谈判桌。在埃以建交与90年代奥斯陆进程的很久以前,70年代初这个关键窗口已经被错过了,1973阿拉法特橄榄枝演讲已经希望甚少了。外交史实梳理清晰,尤其是全球战略角度,但戛然而止,这段与之后进程的更多联系?以方档案应能用一些但没有。等待未来巴方资料和历史重写。 (展开)