作者:
Elizabeth J. Perry 出版社: Rowman & Littlefield 副标题: Worker Militias, Citizenship, and the Modern Chinese State 出版年: 2006-1-3 页数: 374 定价: USD 50.00 装帧: Hardcover ISBN: 9780742539181
This pioneering study explores the role of working-class militias as vanguard and guardian of the Chinese revolution. The book begins with the origins of urban militias in the late nineteenth century and follows their development down to the present day. Elizabeth Perry focuses on the institution of worker militias as a vehicle for analyzing the changing (yet enduring) impact o...
This pioneering study explores the role of working-class militias as vanguard and guardian of the Chinese revolution. The book begins with the origins of urban militias in the late nineteenth century and follows their development down to the present day. Elizabeth Perry focuses on the institution of worker militias as a vehicle for analyzing the changing (yet enduring) impact of China's revolutionary heritage on subsequent state-society relations. She also incorporates a strong comparative perspective, examining the influence of revolutionary militias on the political trajectories of the United States, France, the Soviet Union, and Iran. Based on exhaustive archival research, the work raises fascinating questions about the construction of revolutionary citizenship; the distinctions among class, community, and creed; the open-ended character of revolutionary movements; and the path dependency of institutional change. All readers interested in deepening their understanding of the Chinese Revolution and in the nature of revolutionary change more generally will find this an invaluable contribution.
Arendt reminds us that the revolutionary spirit "is the eagerness to liberate and to build a new house where freedom can dwell." To revisit a country's revolutionary trajectory, then, is not an excuse to surrender to the inevitable oppression of the modern state, but rather an invitation to rethink, rework, and perhaps even reclaim the promises of revolutionary citizenship.
2016-01-20 12:45
Arendt reminds us that the revolutionary spirit "is the eagerness to liberate and to build a new house where freedom can dwell." To revisit a country's revolutionary trajectory, then, is not an excuse to surrender to the inevitable oppression of the modern state, but rather an invitation to rethink, rework, and perhaps even reclaim the promises of revolutionary citizenship.引自 Conclusion
Moreover, both parties--upon the acquisition of state authority--incorporated previous revolutionary practices as an instrument of political control. Institutional inversion was central to Nationalist and Communist state-making experiences alike. In this view, the PRC represents not as repudiation but a consummation of the Nationalists' fledgling attempts at state-building. The origins of the m...
2016-01-15 00:22
Moreover, both parties--upon the acquisition of state authority--incorporated previous revolutionary practices as an instrument of political control. Institutional inversion was central to Nationalist and Communist state-making experiences alike. In this view, the PRC represents not as repudiation but a consummation of the Nationalists' fledgling attempts at state-building. The origins of the modern Chinese state, in other words, must be sought in Nanjing as much as in Yan'an.引自 China's First Leninist Party-State, 1927-1949
Partisan paternalism notwithstanding, the difficulties of patrolling the worker patrols bespoke serious differences between revolutionary cadres and the members of their intended constituency. The indigenous worker pickets that had emerged spontaneously in the course of strike actions to combat scabs were narrowly construed organizations. When revolutionary partisans sought recruits for more am...
2016-01-12 21:02
Partisan paternalism notwithstanding, the difficulties of patrolling the worker patrols bespoke serious differences between revolutionary cadres and the members of their intended constituency. The indigenous worker pickets that had emerged spontaneously in the course of strike actions to combat scabs were narrowly construed organizations. When revolutionary partisans sought recruits for more ambitious and dangerous missions, they soon discovered that the people willing to accept these risky assignments were not the most docile workers--if indeed they were workers at all. Paraphernalia that revolutionaries saw as promoting accountability and restraint, such as military uniforms and numbered armbands, were often treated by the brash recruits as emblems of empowerment to be employed as they saw fit. Rather than enhancing obedience to party dictates, then, disciplinary practices often had precisely the opposite effect.引自 Instituional Origins
Partisan paternalism notwithstanding, the difficulties of patrolling the worker patrols bespoke serious differences between revolutionary cadres and the members of their intended constituency. The indigenous worker pickets that had emerged spontaneously in the course of strike actions to combat scabs were narrowly construed organizations. When revolutionary partisans sought recruits for more am...
2016-01-12 21:02
Partisan paternalism notwithstanding, the difficulties of patrolling the worker patrols bespoke serious differences between revolutionary cadres and the members of their intended constituency. The indigenous worker pickets that had emerged spontaneously in the course of strike actions to combat scabs were narrowly construed organizations. When revolutionary partisans sought recruits for more ambitious and dangerous missions, they soon discovered that the people willing to accept these risky assignments were not the most docile workers--if indeed they were workers at all. Paraphernalia that revolutionaries saw as promoting accountability and restraint, such as military uniforms and numbered armbands, were often treated by the brash recruits as emblems of empowerment to be employed as they saw fit. Rather than enhancing obedience to party dictates, then, disciplinary practices often had precisely the opposite effect.引自 Instituional Origins
Moreover, both parties--upon the acquisition of state authority--incorporated previous revolutionary practices as an instrument of political control. Institutional inversion was central to Nationalist and Communist state-making experiences alike. In this view, the PRC represents not as repudiation but a consummation of the Nationalists' fledgling attempts at state-building. The origins of the m...
2016-01-15 00:22
Moreover, both parties--upon the acquisition of state authority--incorporated previous revolutionary practices as an instrument of political control. Institutional inversion was central to Nationalist and Communist state-making experiences alike. In this view, the PRC represents not as repudiation but a consummation of the Nationalists' fledgling attempts at state-building. The origins of the modern Chinese state, in other words, must be sought in Nanjing as much as in Yan'an.引自 China's First Leninist Party-State, 1927-1949
Arendt reminds us that the revolutionary spirit "is the eagerness to liberate and to build a new house where freedom can dwell." To revisit a country's revolutionary trajectory, then, is not an excuse to surrender to the inevitable oppression of the modern state, but rather an invitation to rethink, rework, and perhaps even reclaim the promises of revolutionary citizenship.
2016-01-20 12:45
Arendt reminds us that the revolutionary spirit "is the eagerness to liberate and to build a new house where freedom can dwell." To revisit a country's revolutionary trajectory, then, is not an excuse to surrender to the inevitable oppression of the modern state, but rather an invitation to rethink, rework, and perhaps even reclaim the promises of revolutionary citizenship.引自 Conclusion
Arendt reminds us that the revolutionary spirit "is the eagerness to liberate and to build a new house where freedom can dwell." To revisit a country's revolutionary trajectory, then, is not an excuse to surrender to the inevitable oppression of the modern state, but rather an invitation to rethink, rework, and perhaps even reclaim the promises of revolutionary citizenship.
2016-01-20 12:45
Arendt reminds us that the revolutionary spirit "is the eagerness to liberate and to build a new house where freedom can dwell." To revisit a country's revolutionary trajectory, then, is not an excuse to surrender to the inevitable oppression of the modern state, but rather an invitation to rethink, rework, and perhaps even reclaim the promises of revolutionary citizenship.引自 Conclusion
Moreover, both parties--upon the acquisition of state authority--incorporated previous revolutionary practices as an instrument of political control. Institutional inversion was central to Nationalist and Communist state-making experiences alike. In this view, the PRC represents not as repudiation but a consummation of the Nationalists' fledgling attempts at state-building. The origins of the m...
2016-01-15 00:22
Moreover, both parties--upon the acquisition of state authority--incorporated previous revolutionary practices as an instrument of political control. Institutional inversion was central to Nationalist and Communist state-making experiences alike. In this view, the PRC represents not as repudiation but a consummation of the Nationalists' fledgling attempts at state-building. The origins of the modern Chinese state, in other words, must be sought in Nanjing as much as in Yan'an.引自 China's First Leninist Party-State, 1927-1949
Partisan paternalism notwithstanding, the difficulties of patrolling the worker patrols bespoke serious differences between revolutionary cadres and the members of their intended constituency. The indigenous worker pickets that had emerged spontaneously in the course of strike actions to combat scabs were narrowly construed organizations. When revolutionary partisans sought recruits for more am...
2016-01-12 21:02
Partisan paternalism notwithstanding, the difficulties of patrolling the worker patrols bespoke serious differences between revolutionary cadres and the members of their intended constituency. The indigenous worker pickets that had emerged spontaneously in the course of strike actions to combat scabs were narrowly construed organizations. When revolutionary partisans sought recruits for more ambitious and dangerous missions, they soon discovered that the people willing to accept these risky assignments were not the most docile workers--if indeed they were workers at all. Paraphernalia that revolutionaries saw as promoting accountability and restraint, such as military uniforms and numbered armbands, were often treated by the brash recruits as emblems of empowerment to be employed as they saw fit. Rather than enhancing obedience to party dictates, then, disciplinary practices often had precisely the opposite effect.引自 Instituional Origins
2 有用 Tacher 2016-01-20
主要关注中国近当代的工人武装组织。作者将群众性的武装组织分为共同体、阶级和信仰三种基础,中国的工人武装主要是以阶级作为理论来源,但是仍然有自治和信仰的成分在其中。作为考察时段近百年的研究,作者强调中国近代工人武装的延续性,建国后的工会武装组织仍然有向早期工人武装和国民政府经验借鉴的一面。作为群众动员力量,工人武装呈现出与政权建设(state-building)的不兼容,与政府管理和军队控制之间的冲... 主要关注中国近当代的工人武装组织。作者将群众性的武装组织分为共同体、阶级和信仰三种基础,中国的工人武装主要是以阶级作为理论来源,但是仍然有自治和信仰的成分在其中。作为考察时段近百年的研究,作者强调中国近代工人武装的延续性,建国后的工会武装组织仍然有向早期工人武装和国民政府经验借鉴的一面。作为群众动员力量,工人武装呈现出与政权建设(state-building)的不兼容,与政府管理和军队控制之间的冲突,社会职能扩张带来的纪律问题,革命者身份(revolutionary citizenship)的界定问题,以及武装人员自身长期存在的素质问题。工人武装在制度转化过程中(institutional inversion)由反抗力量逐渐内化成国家控制、政治教化的工具,表现出革命诉求与革命成果调适的困境。 (展开)
0 有用 lcy 2009-07-10
something we have missed
0 有用 EyeCU 2016-08-31
裴宜理正统的polisci出身,感觉问题意识里面总有政治哲学的味道在里面,往往提问更有深度。从理论上,从革命公民界定的角度出发,分出community, class, creed三种公民基础,对革命本身以及共同体和阶级两种经典公民界定视角进行探讨。对民兵进行了系统的阐述,最有现实意义的可能是提供了另外一种对文革的反思角度。
0 有用 形右实左俱乐部 2019-04-02
worker militias as a political institution transferring its function from "state-breaking" to "state-making." 过河拆桥,背后捅刀
0 有用 [已注销] 2013-01-28
这本书并没有回答为什么革命会发生,也没有说明革命结果如何被影响。很多问题没有被解答,但是列出了非常多影响革命产生、革命过程和革命结果的影响因素。
0 有用 形右实左俱乐部 2019-04-02
worker militias as a political institution transferring its function from "state-breaking" to "state-making." 过河拆桥,背后捅刀
0 有用 EyeCU 2016-08-31
裴宜理正统的polisci出身,感觉问题意识里面总有政治哲学的味道在里面,往往提问更有深度。从理论上,从革命公民界定的角度出发,分出community, class, creed三种公民基础,对革命本身以及共同体和阶级两种经典公民界定视角进行探讨。对民兵进行了系统的阐述,最有现实意义的可能是提供了另外一种对文革的反思角度。
2 有用 Tacher 2016-01-20
主要关注中国近当代的工人武装组织。作者将群众性的武装组织分为共同体、阶级和信仰三种基础,中国的工人武装主要是以阶级作为理论来源,但是仍然有自治和信仰的成分在其中。作为考察时段近百年的研究,作者强调中国近代工人武装的延续性,建国后的工会武装组织仍然有向早期工人武装和国民政府经验借鉴的一面。作为群众动员力量,工人武装呈现出与政权建设(state-building)的不兼容,与政府管理和军队控制之间的冲... 主要关注中国近当代的工人武装组织。作者将群众性的武装组织分为共同体、阶级和信仰三种基础,中国的工人武装主要是以阶级作为理论来源,但是仍然有自治和信仰的成分在其中。作为考察时段近百年的研究,作者强调中国近代工人武装的延续性,建国后的工会武装组织仍然有向早期工人武装和国民政府经验借鉴的一面。作为群众动员力量,工人武装呈现出与政权建设(state-building)的不兼容,与政府管理和军队控制之间的冲突,社会职能扩张带来的纪律问题,革命者身份(revolutionary citizenship)的界定问题,以及武装人员自身长期存在的素质问题。工人武装在制度转化过程中(institutional inversion)由反抗力量逐渐内化成国家控制、政治教化的工具,表现出革命诉求与革命成果调适的困境。 (展开)
0 有用 enkou酱 2014-03-13
这本书并没有回答为什么革命会发生,也没有说明革命结果如何被影响。很多问题没有被解答,但是列出了非常多影响革命产生、革命过程和革命结果的影响因素。
0 有用 [已注销] 2013-01-28
这本书并没有回答为什么革命会发生,也没有说明革命结果如何被影响。很多问题没有被解答,但是列出了非常多影响革命产生、革命过程和革命结果的影响因素。