These are dangerous times for democracy. We live in an age of winners and losers, where the odds are stacked in favour of the already fortunate. Stalled social mobility and entrenched inequality give the lie to the promise that "you can make it if you try". And the consequence is a brew of anger and frustration that has fuelled populist protest, with the triumph of Brexit and e...
These are dangerous times for democracy. We live in an age of winners and losers, where the odds are stacked in favour of the already fortunate. Stalled social mobility and entrenched inequality give the lie to the promise that "you can make it if you try". And the consequence is a brew of anger and frustration that has fuelled populist protest, with the triumph of Brexit and election of Donald Trump.
Michael J. Sandel argues that to overcome the polarized politics of our time, we must rethink the attitudes toward success and failure that have accompanied globalisation and rising inequality. Sandel highlights the hubris a meritocracy generates among the winners and the harsh judgement it imposes on those left behind. He offers an alternative way of thinking about success - more attentive to the role of luck in human affairs, more conducive to an ethic of humility, and more hospitable to a politics of the common good.
几大亮点:1.Meritocracy一词的发明者Michael Young并不赞成这一理念。甚至当布莱尔说自己要推进meritocracy时,这位造词者还劝他不要那么傲慢。2.从神学视角研究了meritocracy在西方宗教思想史中的演变。3.哈耶克并不赞成meritocracy。他们认为,迎合消费者偏好所产出的value,跟merit没有任何关系。但现代新自由超人却把市场价值与merit捆绑在了...几大亮点:1.Meritocracy一词的发明者Michael Young并不赞成这一理念。甚至当布莱尔说自己要推进meritocracy时,这位造词者还劝他不要那么傲慢。2.从神学视角研究了meritocracy在西方宗教思想史中的演变。3.哈耶克并不赞成meritocracy。他们认为,迎合消费者偏好所产出的value,跟merit没有任何关系。但现代新自由超人却把市场价值与merit捆绑在了一起。4.国家层面上的历史终结式正道自信,也是meritocrat的温床:我富强,证明我“on the right side of history”。反直觉的是,民主党总统用这个说法的词频远高于共和党。这更助长了西方富人的“我富证明我merit”的思维。5.作者主张藤校摇号入学来浇灭美国精英的优越感(展开)
Strive for "a broad equality of condition that enables those who do not achieve great wealth or prestigious positions to live lives of decency and dignity — developing and exercising their abilities i...Strive for "a broad equality of condition that enables those who do not achieve great wealth or prestigious positions to live lives of decency and dignity — developing and exercising their abilities in work that wins social esteem, sharing in a widely diffused culture of learning, and deliberating with their fellow citizens about public affairs."(展开)
2 有用 HBT 2022-06-12 14:36:40
几大亮点:1.Meritocracy一词的发明者Michael Young并不赞成这一理念。甚至当布莱尔说自己要推进meritocracy时,这位造词者还劝他不要那么傲慢。2.从神学视角研究了meritocracy在西方宗教思想史中的演变。3.哈耶克并不赞成meritocracy。他们认为,迎合消费者偏好所产出的value,跟merit没有任何关系。但现代新自由超人却把市场价值与merit捆绑在了... 几大亮点:1.Meritocracy一词的发明者Michael Young并不赞成这一理念。甚至当布莱尔说自己要推进meritocracy时,这位造词者还劝他不要那么傲慢。2.从神学视角研究了meritocracy在西方宗教思想史中的演变。3.哈耶克并不赞成meritocracy。他们认为,迎合消费者偏好所产出的value,跟merit没有任何关系。但现代新自由超人却把市场价值与merit捆绑在了一起。4.国家层面上的历史终结式正道自信,也是meritocrat的温床:我富强,证明我“on the right side of history”。反直觉的是,民主党总统用这个说法的词频远高于共和党。这更助长了西方富人的“我富证明我merit”的思维。5.作者主张藤校摇号入学来浇灭美国精英的优越感 (展开)
1 有用 Le Flaneur 2025-05-18 17:47:48 江苏
写得非常浅显易懂,是真正面向大众的科普书!作者开篇引用美国大学招生舞弊丑闻Varsity Blue,和我在高等教育的工作经验非常贴近,所以我感触很多:有钱人需要在心理上和道德上justify自己为什么这么有钱,那就需要有merit给他们背书,而顶尖大学的毕业证则是merit的终极象征——我/我的孩子拥有顶尖大学的学历,证明我所拥有的财富都是我“应得”的,你没钱是因为你蠢且懒;有钱人不仅在金钱物质方... 写得非常浅显易懂,是真正面向大众的科普书!作者开篇引用美国大学招生舞弊丑闻Varsity Blue,和我在高等教育的工作经验非常贴近,所以我感触很多:有钱人需要在心理上和道德上justify自己为什么这么有钱,那就需要有merit给他们背书,而顶尖大学的毕业证则是merit的终极象征——我/我的孩子拥有顶尖大学的学历,证明我所拥有的财富都是我“应得”的,你没钱是因为你蠢且懒;有钱人不仅在金钱物质方面占据高位,现在还要通过meritocracy来在道德上占据高位,穷人不仅在金钱物质方面受苦,还要在道德方面遭受指责:你穷是因为你不努力 (展开)
3 有用 Jus 2020-11-23 14:30:46
Strive for "a broad equality of condition that enables those who do not achieve great wealth or prestigious positions to live lives of decency and dignity — developing and exercising their abilities i... Strive for "a broad equality of condition that enables those who do not achieve great wealth or prestigious positions to live lives of decency and dignity — developing and exercising their abilities in work that wins social esteem, sharing in a widely diffused culture of learning, and deliberating with their fellow citizens about public affairs." (展开)
6 有用 Herring 2020-11-10 23:34:10
引言写于COVID当下,这一年社会日益严重的分裂也应证了书里的观点。非常周到的从新教和资本主义起源,论述到近代资本化(甚至可以直接点说是公司制度和华尔街文化)带来的更露骨的精英理念的世袭和演变,最后导致社会以功绩和金钱利润作为衡量人的效用的决定因素,以及这背后一系列“世袭”精英制管理的上升通道。当我们说着“人类命运共同体”时,首先应该放弃使用“站在历史正确的一边”这种说辞,既然是共同体,那就都是一... 引言写于COVID当下,这一年社会日益严重的分裂也应证了书里的观点。非常周到的从新教和资本主义起源,论述到近代资本化(甚至可以直接点说是公司制度和华尔街文化)带来的更露骨的精英理念的世袭和演变,最后导致社会以功绩和金钱利润作为衡量人的效用的决定因素,以及这背后一系列“世袭”精英制管理的上升通道。当我们说着“人类命运共同体”时,首先应该放弃使用“站在历史正确的一边”这种说辞,既然是共同体,那就都是一边的。 (展开)
35 有用 pluviophile 2020-10-25 23:59:31
给我带来非常多思考的一本书,重设了我很多概念的认知并联系起来,比如meritocracy之于当下的popularism,polarization和demoralization;比如technocracy加上globalization之于美国这四十年来日益加剧的inequality;比如liberal market,american dream之于meritocracy的必然,从而改变social ... 给我带来非常多思考的一本书,重设了我很多概念的认知并联系起来,比如meritocracy之于当下的popularism,polarization和demoralization;比如technocracy加上globalization之于美国这四十年来日益加剧的inequality;比如liberal market,american dream之于meritocracy的必然,从而改变social welfare,(经济学上将近半世纪的著名争论!)而后又如何导向现在盛行的credentialism再进一步强化meritocracy与mobility的日益不可能。我想把它武断地推荐给每一个人,它不是一部全对的书,但会让人或社会变得更公正,更可能,我想。 (展开)