目 录
我的路(中文新译本序)
序··········································阿列汉德罗·波特斯 1
前言 ······································································7
致谢 ···································································· 15
第一章 绪论:唐人街的社会学研究 ························· 17
第一节 国际移民的社会融入与同化·························· 18
第二节 唐人街:一个社会经济的族裔社区 ················· 26
第三节 研究范围················································· 36
第二章 夹缝求生:寄居他乡的回忆 ························· 43
第一节 金山:黄金梦幻 ········································ 45
第二节 寄居:苦力的辛酸 ····································· 53
第三节 排华:“中国佬必须滚!”····························· 57
第四节 唐人街:被迫与自愿的隔离·························· 65
第五节 定居:黄金梦破灭 ····································· 70
第六节 小结 ······················································ 73
第三章 移民美国:定居者的追求 ···························· 76
第一节 移居国:不断变化的接收环境······················· 78
第二节 祖籍国:不断变化的移出环境······················· 98
第三节 新移民:不断变化的心态和目标取向 ·············109
第四节 小结 ·····················································115
第四章 连根拔起:当代华人移民 ···························118
第一节 多元化的来源地 ·······································119
第二节 纽约华人的人口特征 ·································129
第三节 首选的定居地··········································134
第四节 族裔经济资源··········································142
第五节 小结 ·····················································145
第五章 突飞猛进:聚居区族裔经济的崛起···············149
第一节 唐人街的传统经济 ····································150
第二节 1965 年以后的快速发展······························153
第三节 多样化的经济活动 ····································158
第四节 聚居区族裔经济的二元结构·························178
第五节 小结 ·····················································187
第六章 打工创业:族裔经济的劳动力市场···············192
第一节 聚居区族裔经济理论的争议·························193
第二节 纽约大都会地区的劳动力特征······················201
第三节 男性劳动力的人力资本回报·························209
第四节 唐人街:一个更好的选择 ···························220
第五节 小结 ·····················································239
第七章 半边天:唐人街的女性移民 ························242
第一节 传统的性别角色 ·······································243
第二节 纽约的华人女性移民 ·································253
第三节 华人女性移民的劳动力特征和人力资本回报·····263
第四节 唐人街的车衣工人 ····································270
第五节 小结 ·····················································285
第八章 空间同化:居住流动与族裔隔离··················289
第一节 纽约市唐人街地域范围的扩展······················290
第二节 纽约大都会地区华人的居住隔离···················300
第三节 族裔性与居住隔离和再隔离·························318
第四节 小结 ·····················································341
第九章 结论:唐人街是通向成功的有效替代途径 ······343
第一节 唐人街与移民的社会融入和同化···················343
第二节 唐人街的社会学研究:理论和实践意义 ··········353
参考文献 ·····························································365
译文术语对照表····················································378
· · · · · · (
收起)
2 有用 糖罐子 2024-10-02 09:12:16 上海
新版重读。仍有收获启发。30年过去了,不知道同一空间新的时间历程里又发生了什么。求推荐有相关研究。
1 有用 Tranquility 2025-04-17 22:45:04 云南
清晰的研究
0 有用 贰拾伍 2025-05-23 22:51:10 上海
灯塔国Chinatown越是深具社会经济潜力,越是某大国的悲哀。 如果现在能写出一部Chinatown续篇之丁胖子广场,必是新的经典。
0 有用 🍄致幻杉木榕🧠 2025-12-01 14:37:43 北京
这本太现代了还是封建点的比较好吃(喂)本来是想刨点港→美移民代餐一下的结果这部分就写了两三页,不过有提到港人移民阿美的动机多是担忧97港回归后经济体制改革,在港企业家会步沪人后尘失去私有财产与人身自由……杰米这个沪→港→美移民路线真是完美对应,加之街霸六时间线接着街霸三,三的时间线差不多是97年,感觉这点还蛮能拿来做文章的(蒽)