作者:
Ruth W. Grant 出版社: University Of Chicago Press 副标题: Machiavelli, Rousseau, and the Ethics of Politics 出版年: 1999-06-04 页数: 214 定价: USD 22.00 装帧: Paperback ISBN: 9780226305844
Arguing that hypocrisy can be constructive and that strictly principled behaviour can be destructive, this book explores the full range of ethical alternatives, distinguishing the various types of hypocrisy and integrity. Drawing on the work of Machiavelli and Rousseau, who both recognized that the irrationalities of human behaviour made totally honest and rational politics imp...
Arguing that hypocrisy can be constructive and that strictly principled behaviour can be destructive, this book explores the full range of ethical alternatives, distinguishing the various types of hypocrisy and integrity. Drawing on the work of Machiavelli and Rousseau, who both recognized that the irrationalities of human behaviour made totally honest and rational politics impossible, the book examines the ethical dilemmas experienced by politicians. It shows that the tasks of the politician - building coalitions among conflicting interests, uniting groups with a basic mistrust of one another - cannot be accomplished while remaining inflexibly attached to principle. Clarifying the differences between idealism and fanaticism, moderation and rationalization, this study seeks to uncover the moral limits of compromise and reveal new standards of ethical judgement.
作者简介
· · · · · ·
露丝·W·格兰特,芝加哥大学政治学博士,杜克大学政治学系教授,主要研究兴趣为政治伦理与现代政治哲学。著有《约翰·洛克的自由主义》(John Locke's Liberalism,1987)、《伪善与正直:马基雅维利、卢梭与政治的伦理》(Hypocrisy and Integrity: Machiavelli, Rousseau, and the Ethics of Politics,1997)、《有条件在先:激励伦理厘清》(Strings Attached: Untangling the Ethics of Incentives,2012)等作品。
原文摘录 · · · · · ·
Enemies have conflicting interests, but they do not depend on one another, and there is no question of trust between them. Friends depend on one another and share their interests so that bonds of trust can be formed between them. Political relations are relations of conflicting interests, like enmities, but between people who depend on one another, like friendships. (查看原文)
Enemies have conflicting interests, but they do not depend on one another, and there is no question of trust between them. Friends depend on one another and share their interests so that bonds of trust can be formed between them. Political relations are relations of conflicting interests, like enmities, but between people who depend on one another, like friendships. For years I have been trying...
2017-06-21 05:211人喜欢
Enemies have conflicting interests, but they do not depend on one another, and there is no question of trust between them. Friends depend on one another and share their interests so that bonds of trust can be formed between them. Political relations are relations of conflicting interests, like enmities, but between people who depend on one another, like friendships.引自 Machiavelli and the Case for Hypocrisy
For years I have been trying to maintain the claim that, though useful for shedding light on some essential aspects of politics, the notorious friend-enemy dichotomy distorts our daily life and tends to create an encompassing ideology that blatantly reinforces its own validity. Instead, there is in fact a vast area between friendship and enmity that characterizes the world as we see it through our own eyes, a grey area whose preservation can in fact be conducive to both peace (defined as absence of conflicts) and liberty (defined as equal accessibility to diverse ways of life).
Ruth's work helps me see the necessity of this middle, grey area, but I disagree with her on the essence of it. While she wants to preserve "politics" that is distinguishable from friendship and enmity, I want to preserve "indifference" that is distinguishable from politics. For her, friend-enemy dichotomy is not politics. Therefore, we need politics to buffer the severity of the clash between friendship and enmity, two non-political areas of life. For me, friend-enemy dichotomy does reveal something important about the essence of politics. Therefore, we need something not completely political to temper the severity of politics per se.
Unfortunately, the dominant, moralist approach to political philosophy today is unconducive - both theoretically and practically - to the preservation of this benign indifference. Theoretically, it prioritizes equal respect toward others as the major political virtue (even if the term "virtue" is very much ignored due to its teleological origin), thereby forcing us to accept the business of others as our own and eliminating the possibility that some real distance (not the fake "distance" feebly claimed to be the outcome of that mutual respect) between individuals and individuals can be benign. Practically, it enervates individuals and speciously allows them to freely claim for their "justice" whenever they are hurt by indifference they receive from others - as if they are unjustly disrespected not only when their rights are actively violated, but also when others fail to actively revere them.
The cult of mutual respect endangers the prospect of our contemporary world. On its altar, this cult sacrifices our own duties toward ourselves, but it is exactly these duties toward ourselves that prove crucial to the preservation of that benign indifference. Indeed, in a post-Enlightenment age, any unreflected talk about the individualistic "self" appears either regrettibly naïve or plainly false. Nevertheless, the inevitable victory of the discourse of intersubjectivity does not permanently oust the self per se, together with all its normativity, from the platform of serious discussions. Thus, even if the ethics of virtue can no longer be fully revived, its historically inferior cousin, the ethics of honor, may be more adaptible to the contemporary world that wants peace and liberty. We need to transcend Kantian autonomy-heteronomy dichotomy in moral philosophy as much as Schmittian friend-enemy dichotomy in political philosophy, as they thrive and wither in symbiosis. We need the ethics of honor to preserve the politics of indifference.
Enemies have conflicting interests, but they do not depend on one another, and there is no question of trust between them. Friends depend on one another and share their interests so that bonds of trust can be formed between them. Political relations are relations of conflicting interests, like enmities, but between people who depend on one another, like friendships. For years I have been trying...
2017-06-21 05:211人喜欢
Enemies have conflicting interests, but they do not depend on one another, and there is no question of trust between them. Friends depend on one another and share their interests so that bonds of trust can be formed between them. Political relations are relations of conflicting interests, like enmities, but between people who depend on one another, like friendships.引自 Machiavelli and the Case for Hypocrisy
For years I have been trying to maintain the claim that, though useful for shedding light on some essential aspects of politics, the notorious friend-enemy dichotomy distorts our daily life and tends to create an encompassing ideology that blatantly reinforces its own validity. Instead, there is in fact a vast area between friendship and enmity that characterizes the world as we see it through our own eyes, a grey area whose preservation can in fact be conducive to both peace (defined as absence of conflicts) and liberty (defined as equal accessibility to diverse ways of life).
Ruth's work helps me see the necessity of this middle, grey area, but I disagree with her on the essence of it. While she wants to preserve "politics" that is distinguishable from friendship and enmity, I want to preserve "indifference" that is distinguishable from politics. For her, friend-enemy dichotomy is not politics. Therefore, we need politics to buffer the severity of the clash between friendship and enmity, two non-political areas of life. For me, friend-enemy dichotomy does reveal something important about the essence of politics. Therefore, we need something not completely political to temper the severity of politics per se.
Unfortunately, the dominant, moralist approach to political philosophy today is unconducive - both theoretically and practically - to the preservation of this benign indifference. Theoretically, it prioritizes equal respect toward others as the major political virtue (even if the term "virtue" is very much ignored due to its teleological origin), thereby forcing us to accept the business of others as our own and eliminating the possibility that some real distance (not the fake "distance" feebly claimed to be the outcome of that mutual respect) between individuals and individuals can be benign. Practically, it enervates individuals and speciously allows them to freely claim for their "justice" whenever they are hurt by indifference they receive from others - as if they are unjustly disrespected not only when their rights are actively violated, but also when others fail to actively revere them.
The cult of mutual respect endangers the prospect of our contemporary world. On its altar, this cult sacrifices our own duties toward ourselves, but it is exactly these duties toward ourselves that prove crucial to the preservation of that benign indifference. Indeed, in a post-Enlightenment age, any unreflected talk about the individualistic "self" appears either regrettibly naïve or plainly false. Nevertheless, the inevitable victory of the discourse of intersubjectivity does not permanently oust the self per se, together with all its normativity, from the platform of serious discussions. Thus, even if the ethics of virtue can no longer be fully revived, its historically inferior cousin, the ethics of honor, may be more adaptible to the contemporary world that wants peace and liberty. We need to transcend Kantian autonomy-heteronomy dichotomy in moral philosophy as much as Schmittian friend-enemy dichotomy in political philosophy, as they thrive and wither in symbiosis. We need the ethics of honor to preserve the politics of indifference.
Enemies have conflicting interests, but they do not depend on one another, and there is no question of trust between them. Friends depend on one another and share their interests so that bonds of trust can be formed between them. Political relations are relations of conflicting interests, like enmities, but between people who depend on one another, like friendships. For years I have been trying...
2017-06-21 05:211人喜欢
Enemies have conflicting interests, but they do not depend on one another, and there is no question of trust between them. Friends depend on one another and share their interests so that bonds of trust can be formed between them. Political relations are relations of conflicting interests, like enmities, but between people who depend on one another, like friendships.引自 Machiavelli and the Case for Hypocrisy
For years I have been trying to maintain the claim that, though useful for shedding light on some essential aspects of politics, the notorious friend-enemy dichotomy distorts our daily life and tends to create an encompassing ideology that blatantly reinforces its own validity. Instead, there is in fact a vast area between friendship and enmity that characterizes the world as we see it through our own eyes, a grey area whose preservation can in fact be conducive to both peace (defined as absence of conflicts) and liberty (defined as equal accessibility to diverse ways of life).
Ruth's work helps me see the necessity of this middle, grey area, but I disagree with her on the essence of it. While she wants to preserve "politics" that is distinguishable from friendship and enmity, I want to preserve "indifference" that is distinguishable from politics. For her, friend-enemy dichotomy is not politics. Therefore, we need politics to buffer the severity of the clash between friendship and enmity, two non-political areas of life. For me, friend-enemy dichotomy does reveal something important about the essence of politics. Therefore, we need something not completely political to temper the severity of politics per se.
Unfortunately, the dominant, moralist approach to political philosophy today is unconducive - both theoretically and practically - to the preservation of this benign indifference. Theoretically, it prioritizes equal respect toward others as the major political virtue (even if the term "virtue" is very much ignored due to its teleological origin), thereby forcing us to accept the business of others as our own and eliminating the possibility that some real distance (not the fake "distance" feebly claimed to be the outcome of that mutual respect) between individuals and individuals can be benign. Practically, it enervates individuals and speciously allows them to freely claim for their "justice" whenever they are hurt by indifference they receive from others - as if they are unjustly disrespected not only when their rights are actively violated, but also when others fail to actively revere them.
The cult of mutual respect endangers the prospect of our contemporary world. On its altar, this cult sacrifices our own duties toward ourselves, but it is exactly these duties toward ourselves that prove crucial to the preservation of that benign indifference. Indeed, in a post-Enlightenment age, any unreflected talk about the individualistic "self" appears either regrettibly naïve or plainly false. Nevertheless, the inevitable victory of the discourse of intersubjectivity does not permanently oust the self per se, together with all its normativity, from the platform of serious discussions. Thus, even if the ethics of virtue can no longer be fully revived, its historically inferior cousin, the ethics of honor, may be more adaptible to the contemporary world that wants peace and liberty. We need to transcend Kantian autonomy-heteronomy dichotomy in moral philosophy as much as Schmittian friend-enemy dichotomy in political philosophy, as they thrive and wither in symbiosis. We need the ethics of honor to preserve the politics of indifference.
1 有用 暮色·朝阳 2016-05-23
为“伪善”辩护,对“正直”存疑,真是够新奇。主旨:马基雅维利的现实主义其实是以善的追求为目标的。不能用罗伯斯庇尔的狂热形象理解卢梭,卢梭也有现实主义的维度。马基雅维利一章写的最好,hypocrisy的积极意义和必要性讲得很清楚,因为利益原则不是政治的全部,有些东西是不能公开交易的。
0 有用 ophoebus 2019-06-09
很出色的研究,马基雅维利一章举重若轻,尤其精彩。后半部分主要是在讨论卢梭笔下立法者和让-雅克的形象,作者把卢梭文本中这部分的张力归结在moralist/moderate两条线索上,有一定的道理且独有新意,但是这本身很难说是卢梭的核心关切,比较传统的自然/习俗的框架其实还是更具解释力一些。但总的来说是收获很大的阅读体验。
0 有用 ophoebus 2019-06-09
很出色的研究,马基雅维利一章举重若轻,尤其精彩。后半部分主要是在讨论卢梭笔下立法者和让-雅克的形象,作者把卢梭文本中这部分的张力归结在moralist/moderate两条线索上,有一定的道理且独有新意,但是这本身很难说是卢梭的核心关切,比较传统的自然/习俗的框架其实还是更具解释力一些。但总的来说是收获很大的阅读体验。
1 有用 暮色·朝阳 2016-05-23
为“伪善”辩护,对“正直”存疑,真是够新奇。主旨:马基雅维利的现实主义其实是以善的追求为目标的。不能用罗伯斯庇尔的狂热形象理解卢梭,卢梭也有现实主义的维度。马基雅维利一章写的最好,hypocrisy的积极意义和必要性讲得很清楚,因为利益原则不是政治的全部,有些东西是不能公开交易的。