作者:
Thomas Mullaney 出版社: University of California Press 副标题: Ethnic Classification in Modern China 出版年: 2010-11-4 页数: 256 定价: USD 63.00 装帧: Hardcover ISBN: 9780520262782
China is a vast nation comprised of hundreds of distinct ethnic communities, each with its own language, history, and culture. Today the government of China recognizes just 56 ethnic nationalities, or minzu, as groups entitled to representation. This controversial new book recounts the history of the most sweeping attempt to sort and categorize the nation's enormous population:...
China is a vast nation comprised of hundreds of distinct ethnic communities, each with its own language, history, and culture. Today the government of China recognizes just 56 ethnic nationalities, or minzu, as groups entitled to representation. This controversial new book recounts the history of the most sweeping attempt to sort and categorize the nation's enormous population: the 1954 Ethnic Classification project (minzu shibie). Thomas S. Mullaney draws on recently declassified material and extensive oral histories to describe how the communist government, in power less than a decade, launched this process in ethnically diverse Yunnan. Mullaney shows how the government drew on Republican-era scholarship for conceptual and methodological inspiration as it developed a strategy for identifying minzu and how non-Party-member Chinese ethnologists produced a "scientific" survey that would become the basis for a policy on nationalities.
作者简介
· · · · · ·
Thomas S. Mullaney is Assistant Professor of History at Stanford University.
目录
· · · · · ·
List of Illustrations
List of Tables
Foreword
Acknowledgments
Introduction
1. Identity Crisis in Postimperial China
· · · · · ·
(更多)
List of Illustrations
List of Tables
Foreword
Acknowledgments
Introduction
1. Identity Crisis in Postimperial China
2. Ethnicity as Language
3. Plausible Communities
4. The Consent of the Categorized
5. Counting to Fifty-Six
Conclusion: A History of the Future
Appendix A: Ethnotaxonomy of Yunnan, 1951, According to the Yunnan Nationalities Affairs Commission
Appendix B: Ethnotaxonomy of Yunnan, 1953, According to the Yunnan Nationalities Affairs Commission
Appendix C: Minzu Entries, 1953--1954 Census, by Population
Appendix D: Classification Squads, Phases One and Two
Appendix E: Population Sizes of Groups Researched during Phase One and Phase Two
Notes
Character Glossary
Bibliography
Index
· · · · · · (收起)
The anthropologists among them, caught up in the currents of the time, nonetheless saw it among their tasks to understand these minorities. That Yunnan should have been a favorite site for study is understandable in this context. Tibet was too cold and too difficult to reach and breathe in, and Xinjiang was too Muslim and too arid. Yunnan was fabulously beautiful, had a perfect climate, and best of all for the romanticism of early anthropology, was a sort of Eden, full of sensuous, bare-breasted, innocent women who were a special attraction for puritan Confucian Han. (查看原文)
With these considerations in mind(i.e. the emergence of the “unified multinational” People's Republic is understandable only when we take into account the radical changes in the very meaning of term minzu and the new regime's distinct approach to the "national question"), then, the goal of this book is to move toward a deeper understanding of how the People's Republic came to tbe composed of fifty-six minzu by examining the history of ethnotaxonomic discourse and practice in the modern perild. In other words, the present study will produce what Jane Caplan and John Torpey have described in a Western context as "history of identification rather than of identities". The centerpiece of this study is China's "Ethnic Classification Project" or minzu shibie, a collective term for a series of Com... (查看原文)
主题有趣新颖，意义重大。比起正文中对识别/分类这一基础设施形成过程的考察，Mullaney在导论的方法论部分的一些反思更加难以忽视：leaves unresolved the very taxonomic ambiguities and complexities that our historical agents were attempting to disambiguate and simpl...主题有趣新颖，意义重大。比起正文中对识别/分类这一基础设施形成过程的考察，Mullaney在导论的方法论部分的一些反思更加难以忽视：leaves unresolved the very taxonomic ambiguities and complexities that our historical agents were attempting to disambiguate and simplify. 识别/分类正是在创造等值（equivalence）。在识别/分类完后，我们依旧要回到民族之中，回到民族之前，也要想想为什么我们会把“56个星座，……”记成“56个民族，……”。(展开)
Coming to Terms with the Nation: Ethnic Classification in Modern China Thomas S. Mullaney 1953年第一次人口调查中通过自我认同（self-identification/ self-categorization）中的400多个民族如何演变为1954年之后的56个民族？统一的多民族国家的理念是如何构建与变迁的？...
(展开)
安德森论汉族人类学家为何挑选云南作为主要研究基地： The anthropologists among them, caught up in the currents of the time, nonetheless saw it among their tasks to understand these minorities. That Yunnan should have been a favorite site for study is understandable in this context. Tibet was too cold and too difficult to reach and breathe in, and Xinjiang was too Muslim and too arid. Yunnan was f...(4回应)
2015-04-17 08:302人喜欢
安德森论汉族人类学家为何挑选云南作为主要研究基地：
The anthropologists among them, caught up in the currents of the time, nonetheless saw it among their tasks to understand these minorities. That Yunnan should have been a favorite site for study is understandable in this context. Tibet was too cold and too difficult to reach and breathe in, and Xinjiang was too Muslim and too arid. Yunnan was fabulously beautiful, had a perfect climate, and best of all for the romanticism of early anthropology, was a sort of Eden, full of sensuous, bare-breasted, innocent women who were a special attraction for puritan Confucian Han.引自 Foreword
The introduction presents in a clear and orderly fashion the existing literature (or absence of specific literature in China as well as in the West), primary and secondary sources, the methodology adopted, and the ordering of the chapters. The author follows a chronological sequence, beginning with the Republican period in the 1920s through the decades following the classification. A short pass...
2017-03-12 07:48
The introduction presents in a clear and orderly fashion the existing literature (or absence of specific literature in China as well as in the West), primary and secondary sources, the methodology adopted, and the ordering of the chapters. The author follows a chronological sequence, beginning with the Republican period in the 1920s through the decades following the classification. A short passage is devoted to defining and translating the concept of minzu, which Mullaney chooses to adapt to each specific context. He believes the term’s ambiguity is fundamental to understanding the interaction between the modern state and scholars called upon to offer a vision that is not realistic in the strictest sense, but realisable and applicable to China’s non-Han populations. In this sense the minzu category and the national model of 56 minzu remains “a work in progress” (p.17) not amenable to objective or foolproof definition.
The first of the book’s five chapters nevertheless dwells on the uses and conceptualisation of the term minzu. Less a detailed analysis of the uses and implications of the concept than an overview of the state’s relationship with the population’s diversity, this narrative nevertheless has the merit of retracing the categorisation process in relation to the intellectual and political evolution of early twentieth century China. This chapter points above all to the failure in 1953 of the call for the population’s self-categorisation in minzu terms, the result of which was a confused and thus unmanageable taxonomy in Yunnan. Facing this “dire political crisis” (p.39), the government mobilised the social sciences community and put in place an ethnic classification project.
The objective of the team in 1954 was never strictly that of describing already existing, already stable "imagined communities", but rather that of outlining a set of plausible, or "imaginable" minzu categories that it would be feasible for the state to actualize in the post-Classification world—categories that would be "good enough for government use". 我黨的科學觀真是無不為我所用，嘖嘖⋯⋯
2017-03-08 04:35
The objective of the team in 1954 was never strictly that of describing already existing, already stable "imagined communities", but rather that of outlining a set of plausible, or "imaginable" minzu categories that it would be feasible for the state to actualize in the post-Classification world—categories that would be "good enough for government use".引自 Intro
With these considerations in mind(i.e. the emergence of the “unified multinational” People's Republic is understandable only when we take into account the radical changes in the very meaning of term minzu and the new regime's distinct approach to the "national question"), then, the goal of this book is to move toward a deeper understanding of how the People's Republic came to tbe composed of ...
2017-03-08 01:38
With these considerations in mind(i.e. the emergence of the “unified multinational” People's Republic is understandable only when we take into account the radical changes in the very meaning of term minzu and the new regime's distinct approach to the "national question"), then, the goal of this book is to move toward a deeper understanding of how the People's Republic came to tbe composed of fifty-six minzu by examining the history of ethnotaxonomic discourse and practice in the modern perild. In other words, the present study will produce what Jane Caplan and John Torpey have described in a Western context as "history of identification rather than of identities". The centerpiece of this study is China's "Ethnic Classification Project" or minzu shibie, a collective term for a series of Communist-era expeditions wherein ethonologists and linguists set out to determine once and for all the precise ethnonational composition of the country, so that these different groups might be intergrated into a centralized, territorially stable policy.引自 Intro
安德森论汉族人类学家为何挑选云南作为主要研究基地： The anthropologists among them, caught up in the currents of the time, nonetheless saw it among their tasks to understand these minorities. That Yunnan should have been a favorite site for study is understandable in this context. Tibet was too cold and too difficult to reach and breathe in, and Xinjiang was too Muslim and too arid. Yunnan was f...(4回应)
2015-04-17 08:302人喜欢
安德森论汉族人类学家为何挑选云南作为主要研究基地：
The anthropologists among them, caught up in the currents of the time, nonetheless saw it among their tasks to understand these minorities. That Yunnan should have been a favorite site for study is understandable in this context. Tibet was too cold and too difficult to reach and breathe in, and Xinjiang was too Muslim and too arid. Yunnan was fabulously beautiful, had a perfect climate, and best of all for the romanticism of early anthropology, was a sort of Eden, full of sensuous, bare-breasted, innocent women who were a special attraction for puritan Confucian Han.引自 Foreword
Whereas there has been a long-standing asumption that the project(Ethnice Classification) was a Communist-directed enterprise, and that the participating social scientists played a minor role, my study demonstrates that the Classification was primarily the work of ethnologists and linguists. 還要感謝一個叫Henry Rodolph Davies的早期分類法。偉光正的我黨的預設政治理論出人意料沒有起到決定性作用（雖...
2017-03-08 04:25
Whereas there has been a long-standing asumption that the project(Ethnice Classification) was a Communist-directed enterprise, and that the participating social scientists played a minor role, my study demonstrates that the Classification was primarily the work of ethnologists and linguists.引自 Intro
The introduction presents in a clear and orderly fashion the existing literature (or absence of specific literature in China as well as in the West), primary and secondary sources, the methodology adopted, and the ordering of the chapters. The author follows a chronological sequence, beginning with the Republican period in the 1920s through the decades following the classification. A short pass...
2017-03-12 07:48
The introduction presents in a clear and orderly fashion the existing literature (or absence of specific literature in China as well as in the West), primary and secondary sources, the methodology adopted, and the ordering of the chapters. The author follows a chronological sequence, beginning with the Republican period in the 1920s through the decades following the classification. A short passage is devoted to defining and translating the concept of minzu, which Mullaney chooses to adapt to each specific context. He believes the term’s ambiguity is fundamental to understanding the interaction between the modern state and scholars called upon to offer a vision that is not realistic in the strictest sense, but realisable and applicable to China’s non-Han populations. In this sense the minzu category and the national model of 56 minzu remains “a work in progress” (p.17) not amenable to objective or foolproof definition.
The first of the book’s five chapters nevertheless dwells on the uses and conceptualisation of the term minzu. Less a detailed analysis of the uses and implications of the concept than an overview of the state’s relationship with the population’s diversity, this narrative nevertheless has the merit of retracing the categorisation process in relation to the intellectual and political evolution of early twentieth century China. This chapter points above all to the failure in 1953 of the call for the population’s self-categorisation in minzu terms, the result of which was a confused and thus unmanageable taxonomy in Yunnan. Facing this “dire political crisis” (p.39), the government mobilised the social sciences community and put in place an ethnic classification project.
The objective of the team in 1954 was never strictly that of describing already existing, already stable "imagined communities", but rather that of outlining a set of plausible, or "imaginable" minzu categories that it would be feasible for the state to actualize in the post-Classification world—categories that would be "good enough for government use". 我黨的科學觀真是無不為我所用，嘖嘖⋯⋯
2017-03-08 04:35
The objective of the team in 1954 was never strictly that of describing already existing, already stable "imagined communities", but rather that of outlining a set of plausible, or "imaginable" minzu categories that it would be feasible for the state to actualize in the post-Classification world—categories that would be "good enough for government use".引自 Intro
Whereas there has been a long-standing asumption that the project(Ethnice Classification) was a Communist-directed enterprise, and that the participating social scientists played a minor role, my study demonstrates that the Classification was primarily the work of ethnologists and linguists. 還要感謝一個叫Henry Rodolph Davies的早期分類法。偉光正的我黨的預設政治理論出人意料沒有起到決定性作用（雖...
2017-03-08 04:25
Whereas there has been a long-standing asumption that the project(Ethnice Classification) was a Communist-directed enterprise, and that the participating social scientists played a minor role, my study demonstrates that the Classification was primarily the work of ethnologists and linguists.引自 Intro
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博论。利用最新解密的档案资料和一位参与者的访谈，理顺了一次复杂的云南民族识别工作的线索。大致以时间顺序展开，顾及的问题意识所在层次较为全面，每一章末尾都有简单的机制分析，但最终的落脚却略感飘忽。直觉此书在历史学或民族学之外，具有丰富理论挖掘潜力：例如政治与学术研究的话语共生与角力（以及所产生的这一种semi-descriptive, semi-prescriptive的工作），或者对于“归类”作为... 博论。利用最新解密的档案资料和一位参与者的访谈，理顺了一次复杂的云南民族识别工作的线索。大致以时间顺序展开，顾及的问题意识所在层次较为全面，每一章末尾都有简单的机制分析，但最终的落脚却略感飘忽。直觉此书在历史学或民族学之外，具有丰富理论挖掘潜力：例如政治与学术研究的话语共生与角力（以及所产生的这一种semi-descriptive, semi-prescriptive的工作），或者对于“归类”作为一种统治模式的研究（“过程性的”、“自证预言的”归类）。 (展开)
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主题有趣新颖，意义重大。比起正文中对识别/分类这一基础设施形成过程的考察，Mullaney在导论的方法论部分的一些反思更加难以忽视：leaves unresolved the very taxonomic ambiguities and complexities that our historical agents were attempting to disambiguate and simpl... 主题有趣新颖，意义重大。比起正文中对识别/分类这一基础设施形成过程的考察，Mullaney在导论的方法论部分的一些反思更加难以忽视：leaves unresolved the very taxonomic ambiguities and complexities that our historical agents were attempting to disambiguate and simplify. 识别/分类正是在创造等值（equivalence）。在识别/分类完后，我们依旧要回到民族之中，回到民族之前，也要想想为什么我们会把“56个星座，……”记成“56个民族，……”。 (展开)
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