《The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939》的原文摘录

  • 国家提供教育,自然也就规定了教育的基本原则。没有一个国家会允许自己未来的公民在学校里学习如何颠覆国家的根本原则:在民主国家,会教育儿童珍视民主带来的自由;在极权国家,会教育儿童崇尚极权的威力和纪律。 (查看原文)
    sisyphus 5赞 2018-05-18 12:29:53
    —— 引自第122页
  • 人们总是担心自己是否确实占有自己已有的东西,除非他们从别人那里得到更多的东西。 (查看原文)
    辉夜姬 2012-02-02 22:19:50
    —— 引自第106页
  • 1853年,马克斯曾就东方问题做出了以下犀利的分析: 无能……表现在一种心态上面:维持现状。这种坚决维护偶然形成或环境使然的现状的普遍心态,是无能为力的明证,是主要国家承认自己完全无力促进进步和文明事业的明证。 (查看原文)
    辉夜姬 2012-02-02 22:24:03
    —— 引自第189页
  • 人们常常说,民主政体就是以数人头的方式代替了砍人头的方式。 (查看原文)
    千船 2回复 2013-05-20 10:57:28
    —— 引自第42页
  • 任何一个不成功的努力都是错误的。最大的成功就是成功本身。 (查看原文)
    Molise猫 2018-10-10 17:28:50
    —— 引自第65页
  • One reason why contemporaries of Mazzini thought nationalism a good thing was that there were few recognised nations, and plenty of room for them. In an age when Germans, Czechs, Poles, Ukrainians, Magyars and half a dozen more national groups were not yet visibly jostling one another over an area of a few hundred square miles, it was comparatively easy to believe that each nation, by developing its own nationalism, could make its own special contribution to the international harmony of interests. Most liberal writers continued to believe, right down to 1918, that nations, by developing their own nationalism, promoted the cause of internationalism; and Wilson and many other makers of the peace treaties saw in national self-determination the key to world peace. (查看原文)
    目送飞鸿 2020-04-06 12:16:11
    —— 引自第46页
  • Down to 1930, successive revisions of the United States tariff had almost invariably been upward; and American economists, in other respects staunch upholders of laissez-faire, had almost invariably treated tariffs as legitimate and laudable. But the change in the position of the United States from a debtor to a creditor Power, combined with the reversal of British economic policy, altered the picture; and the reduction of tariff barriers has come to be commonly identified by American spokesmen with the cause of international morality. (查看原文)
    目送飞鸿 2020-04-06 17:49:25
    —— 引自第75页
  • The second explanation, which is popular in Continental countries, is that the English-speaking peoples are past masters in the art of concealing their selfish national interests in the guise of the general good, and that this kind of hypocrisy is a special and characteristic peculiarity of the Anglo-Saxon mind. (查看原文)
    目送飞鸿 2020-04-06 17:49:25
    —— 引自第79页
  • Theories of international morality are, for the same reason and in virtue of the same process, the product of dominant nations or groups of nations. (查看原文)
    目送飞鸿 2020-04-06 17:49:25
    —— 引自第79页
  • The bankruptcy of utopianism resides not in its failure to live up to its principles, but in the exposure of its inability to provide any absolute and disinterested standard for the conduct of international affairs. (查看原文)
    目送飞鸿 2020-04-06 17:49:25
    —— 引自第88页
  • The utopian who dreams that it is possible to eliminate selfassertion from politics and to base a political system on morality alone is just as wide of the mark as the realist who believes that altruism is an illusion and that all political action is based on self-seeking. (查看原文)
    目送飞鸿 2020-04-07 11:11:30
    —— 引自第97页
  • It is as fatal in politics to ignore power as it is to ignore morality. The fate of China in the nineteenth century is an illustration of what happens to a country which is content to believe in the moral superiority of its own civilisation and to despise the ways of power. (查看原文)
    目送飞鸿 2020-04-07 11:11:30
    —— 引自第97页
  • Free Trade, as championed by England in the nineteenth century, was the cause of the stronger in purely commercial competition. The "sphere of influence" with its special rights was the objective of states which sought to compensate for weakness in such competition by the direct application of political power. (查看原文)
    目送飞鸿 2020-04-07 23:02:55
    —— 引自第130页
  • Power, which is an element of all political action, is one and indivisible. It uses military and economic weapons for the same ends. The strong will tend to prefer the minor and more "civilised" weapon, because it will generally suffice to achieve his purposes; and as long as it will suffice, he is under no temptation to resort to the more hazardous military weapon. But economic power cannot be isolated from military power, nor military from economic. They are both integral parts of political power; and in the long run one is helpless without the other. (查看原文)
    目送飞鸿 2020-04-07 23:02:55
    —— 引自第132页
  • In international law, all disputes are not justiciable; for no court is competent unless the parties to the dispute have agreed to confer jurisdiction on it and to recognise its decision as binding. (查看原文)
    目送飞鸿 2020-04-10 20:17:05
    —— 引自第194页
  • 自给自足不仅是社会秩序的必要条件,也是政治权力的工具。它首先是战争准备的一种方式。在重商主义时代,无论是在英国还是其他国家,人们普遍认为,国家的军事实力取决于国家制造业的生产能力。亚当・斯密赞同英国的《航海法》( Navigation Act),支持对英国帆布及英国军火实行补贴。所以,他本人在这一点上也放弃了自由放任主义。这是众所周知的一件事情。 (查看原文)
    hyggyfoner 2021-08-31 16:04:16
    —— 引自第157页
  • 乌托邦主义的破产,不是因为它未能实现乌托邦原则。而是它根本无法为处理国际事务提供任何绝对和公允的原则。 (查看原文)
    十九点四十分 2022-10-23 20:46:10
    —— 引自第81页