休谟:《党派概论》读书笔记
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党派概论
【立法者和建国者之被推崇】休谟赞美立法者和建国者:Of all men, that distinguish themselves by memorable achievements, the first place of honour seems due to Legislators and founders of states, who transmit a system of laws and institutions to secure the peace, happiness, and liberty of future generations. pp.33. 指出艺术和科学的有效创造比明智的法律影响更深远(The influence of useful inventions in the arts and sciences may, perhaps, extend farther than that of wise laws, whose effects are limited both in time and place; but the benefit arising from the former, is not so sensible as that which results from the latter. pp.33.)好政府与幸福:Speculative sciences do, indeed, improve the mind; but this advantage reaches only to a few persons, who have leisure to apply themselves to them. And as to practical arts, which encrease the commodities and enjoyments of life, it is well known, that men’s happiness consists not so much in an abundance of these, as in the peace and security with which they possess them; and those blessings can only be derived from good government. pp.33. 幸福所需的普遍德性和良好道德来自青年的道德教育以及明智的法律和制度的影响,而非哲学箴言和宗教戒律(general virtue and good morals in a state, which are so requisite to happiness, can never arise from the most refined precepts of philosophy, or even the severest injunctions of religion; but must proceed entirely from the virtuous education of youth, the effect of wise laws and institutions. pp.33.)反对培根,认为古代在荣誉分配方面不公正,把所有实用技艺的创造者归诸于神,却只赋予诸如罗慕路斯、忒休斯这样的立法者半人半神和英雄的称号(I must, therefore, presume to differ from Lord Bacon in this particular, and must regard antiquity as somewhat unjust in its distribution of honours, when it made gods of all the inventors of useful arts, such as Ceres, Bacchus, AESCULAPIUS; and dignify legislators, such as Romulus and Theseus, only with the appellation of demigods and heroes. pp.33.)
【派系之弊】休谟指出派系之弊,因为其影响与法律相悖(As much as legislators and founders of states ought to be honoured and respected among men, as much ought the founders of sects and factions to be detested and hated; because the influence of faction is directly contrary to that of laws. pp.33-4.)在他看来,“派系损害政府,让法律瘫痪,让同一个国家中的人们充满恶毒的敌意,而这些人本应彼此支持、相互保护。”【44-5】(Factions subvert government, render laws impotent, and beget the fiercest animosities among men of the same nation, who ought to give mutual assistance and protection to each other. pp.34.)派系的根深蒂固(And what should render the founders of parties more odious is, the difficulty of extirpating these weeds, when once they have taken root in any state. They naturally propagate themselves for many centuries, and seldom end but by the total dissolution of that government, in which they are sown. They are, besides, plants which grow most plentifully in the richest soil; and though absolute governments be not wholly free from them, it must be confessed, that they rise more easily, and propagate themselves faster in free governments, where they always infect the legislature itself, which alone could be able, by the steady application of rewards and punishments, to eradicate them. pp.34.)
【派系分类:Personal和Real】休谟把派系分为Personal和Real,前者建立在个人友谊或憎恶之上,后者建立在感情或利益的真正差异上(Factions may be divided into Personal and Real; that is, into factions, founded on personal friendship or animosity among such as compose the contending parties, and into those founded on some real difference of sentiment or interest. pp.34.)承认很少有政党是纯粹的和非混合的,(The reason of this distinction is obvious; though I must acknowledge, that parties are seldom found pure and unmixed, either of the one kind or the other. pp.34.)但不影响分类(But notwithstanding this mixture, a party may be denominated either personal or real, according to that principle which is predominant, and is found to have the greatest influence. pp.34.)
1. Personal factions。休谟认为这类派系很容易出现在小型共和国之中(Personal factions arise most easily in small republics. Every domestic quarrel, there, becomes an affair of state. Love, vanity, emulation, any passion, as well as ambition and resentment, begets public division. pp.34.)在他看来,Men have such a propensity to divide into personal factions, that the smallest appearance of real difference will produce them. pp.34. 以古希腊Prasini和Veneti的争斗,古罗马的党争为例。休谟指出,Nothing is more usual than to see parties, which have begun upon a real difference, continue even after that difference is lost. When men are once inlisted on opposite sides, they contract an affection to the persons with whom they are united, and an animosity against their antagonists: And these passions they often transmit to their posterity. pp.35. 党争与敌友关系的延续。
2. Real factions。休谟进一步划分为源自利益、原则和情感(Real factions may be divided into those from interest, from principle, and from affection. pp.36.)
(1)由利益所生派系。以平民和贵族为例(Where two orders of men, such as the nobles and people, have a distinct authority in a government, not very accurately balanced and modelled, they naturally follow a distinct interest; nor can we reasonably expect a different conduct, considering that degree of selfishness implanted in human nature. pp.36.)
(2)由原则所生派系。由原则特别是抽象的、推测性的原则而生,休谟视为现代社会的现象(Parties from principle, especially abstract speculative principle, are known only to modern times, and are, perhaps, the most extraordinary and unaccountable phenomenon, that has yet appeared in human affairs. pp.36.),并以宗教争论类比,说明其狂热所致分裂(as happens in all religious controversies; what madness, what fury can beget such unhappy and such fatal divisions? pp.37.)……(This principle, however frivolous it may appear, seems to have been the origin of all religious wars and divisions. But as this principle is universal in human nature, its effects would not have been confined to one age, and to one sect of religion, did it not there concur with other more accidental causes, which raise it to such a height, as to produce the greatest misery and devastation. pp.37.)以基督教为例,说明原则和利益可一体两面And the same principles of priestly government continuing, after Christianity became the established religion, they have engendered a spirit of persecution, which has ever since been the poison of human society, and the source of the most inveterate factions in every government. Such divisions, therefore, on the part of the people, may justly be esteemed factions of principle; but, on the part of the priests, who are the prime movers, they are really factions of interest. pp.38. 哲学在古代世界比宗教更狂热,现代社会中,宗教比利益和野心更残酷(Sects of philosophy, in the ancient world, were more zealous than parties of religion; but in modern times, parties of religion are more furious and enraged than the most cruel factions that ever arose from interest and ambition. pp.39.)
(3)由情感所生派系。休谟理解的情感是建立在对希望统治特定家族或人群的人的不同爱慕之上的(I have mentioned parties from affection as a kind of real parties, beside those from interest and principle. By parties from affection, I understand those which are founded on the different attachments of men towards particular families and persons, whom they desire to rule over them; though, I must own, it may seem unaccountable, that men should attach themselves so strongly to persons, with whom they are no wise acquainted, whom perhaps they never saw, and from whom they never received, nor can ever hope for any favour. pp.39.)
论大不列颠的党派
英国政府中存在分裂和党争的源头(Were the British government proposed as a subject of speculation, one would immediately perceive in it a source of division and party, which it would be almost impossible for it, under any administration, to avoid. pp.40.)党派之受原则影响的方面:共和制还是君主制(The just balance between the republican and monarchical part of our constitution is really, in itself, so extremely delicate and uncertain, that, when joined to men’s passions and prejudices, it is impossible but different opinions must arise concerning it, even among persons of the best understanding. pp.40.)党派之受利益影响的方面;宗教派别,休谟认为in all ages of the world, priests have been enemies to liberty;(pp.41.)辉格党和托利党产生,二者最大的分歧在于passive obedience, and indefeasible right pp.44. 休谟指出:These different views, with regard to the settlement of the crown, were accidental, but natural additions to the principles of the court and country parties, which are the genuine divisions in the British government. A passionate lover of monarchy is apt to be displeased at any change of the succession; as savouring too much of a commonwealth: A passionate lover of liberty is apt to think that every part of the government ought to be subordinate to the interests of liberty. pp.45.
论政党联盟
【党派的危险】自由政府中消除党派间的全部差异既不可行也不可欲(To abolish all distinctions of party may not be practicable, perhaps not desirable, in a free government. pp.206.)党派的危险:党争的敌意(The only dangerous parties are such as entertain opposite views with regard to the essentials of government, the succession of the crown, or the more considerable privileges belonging to the several members of the constitution; where there is no room for any compromise or accommodation, and where the controversy may appear so momentous as to justify even an opposition by arms to the pretensions of antagonists. Of this nature was the animosity, continued for above a century past, between the parties in England; an animosity which broke out sometimes into civil war, which occasioned violent revolutions, and which continually endangered the peace and tranquillity of the nation. pp.206.)不过有消除党见和联合的趋势。
【党派分歧与联合】《原始契约》和《消极服从》两文评价了两个党派的哲学和实践争论,现在继续评述历史分歧(The two former Essays, concerning the original contract and passive obedience, are calculated for this purpose with regard to the philosophical and practical controversies between the parties, ……We shall proceed to exercise the same moderation with regard to the historical disputes between the parties. pp.206.)休谟认为敌视的依据是狭隘的偏见或利益的激情(and that the past animosity between the factions had no better foundation than narrow prejudice or interested passion. pp.207.)(1)平民党(即后来的辉格党)反对王权,珍视自由:As the rights of mankind are for ever to be deemed sacred, no prescription of tyranny or arbitrary power can have authority sufficient to abolish them. Liberty is a blessing so inestimable, that, wherever there appears any probability of recovering it, a nation may willingly run many hazards, and ought not even to repine at the greatest effusion of blood or dissipation of treasure. All human institutions, and none more than government, are in continual fluctuation. Kings are sure to embrace every opportunity of extending their prerogatives: And if favourable incidents be not also laid hold of for extending and securing the privileges of the people, an universal despotism must for ever prevail amongst mankind. pp.207. 统治原则是实用和实践,而非理性(The only rule of government, they might have said, known and acknowledged among men, is use and practice: Reason is so uncertain a guide that it will always be exposed to doubt and controversy pp.208.)但君主制已建立,平民党如何自称恢复古代制度?又回溯多远的古代制度和政府呢?(pp.209.)休谟指出,政府的真正统治是现在已经确立的实践原则(The true rule of government is the present established practice of the age. pp.210.)君主制获得民众的认可,因此合法有效(This general consent surely, during so long a time, must be sufficient to render a constitution legal and valid. pp.210.)否认洛克的契约论,即民众同意奠定政府基础,他们可以任意推翻,认为这种狂热会导致有害的结果。(But the people must not pretend, because they can, by their consent, lay the foundations of government, that therefore they are to be permitted, at their pleasure, to overthrow and subvert them. pp.210. … These consequences are the more to be dreaded, as the present fury of the people, though glossed over by pretensions to civil liberty, is in reality incited by the fanaticism of religion; a principle the most blind, headstrong, and ungovernable, by which human nature can possibly be actuated. Popular rage is dreadful, from whatever motive derived: But must be attended with the most pernicious consequences, when it arises from a principle, which disclaims all controul by human law, reason, or authority. pp.211.)(2)保皇党的观点更坚实、更安全,更合法(The event, if that can be admitted as a reason, has shown, that the arguments of the popular party were better founded; but perhaps, according to the established maxims of lawyers and politicians, the views of the royalists ought, before-hand, to have appeared more solid, more safe, and more legal. pp.211.)休谟赞同适度原则But this is certain, that the greater moderation we now employ in representing past events; the nearer shall we be to produce a full coalition of the parties, and an entire acquiescence in our present establishment. Moderation is of advantage to every establishment: Nothing but zeal can overturn a settled power: And an over-active zeal in friends is apt to beget a like spirit in antagonists. The transition from a moderate opposition against an establishment, to an entire acquiescence in it, is easy and insensible. pp.211)