约瑟夫•列文森（Joseph R. Levenson，1920—1969），青年时期就读于哈佛大学，二战时应征入伍，战后回到哈佛大学攻读博士学位。1951年，经费正清推荐，赴加州大学伯克利分校任教。1969年不幸溺水身亡。列文森是20世纪五六十年代美国中国学研究领域的代表人物，美国中国近代思想史研究领域的开拓者。他视野广阔、才华横溢，被同仁誉为“莫扎特式的历史学家”。以他名字命名的“列文森中国研究最佳著作奖”，是美国中国学领域最重要的奖项之一。代表作为《梁启超与中国近代思想》（1953）、《儒教中国及其现代命运》（1965）、《革命与世界主义》（1971）。
Joseph R. Levenson: Confucian China and Its Modern Fate: A Trilogy University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles 1968 Note by Lookme Volume One: The Problem of Intellectual Continuity Volume Two: The Problem of Monarchical Decay Volume Three: The Problem of Historical Significance General Preface The idea ‘Human-kindness’/‘benevolence’，is it being perpetuated in China, with its a...(1回应)
Joseph R. Levenson: Confucian China and Its Modern Fate: A Trilogy
University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles 1968
Note by Lookme
Volume One: The Problem of Intellectual Continuity
Volume Two: The Problem of Monarchical Decay
Volume Three: The Problem of Historical Significance
The idea ‘Human-kindness’/‘benevolence’，is it being perpetuated in China, with its associations in the old high culture? Or is it rather being preserved, precisely because its currency is past?
Thought: constant, ideas or systems of ideas forever meaning what they mean in themselves, as logical constructions.
Thinking: a psychological act, implies context (changing), not disembodiment, and men mean different things when they think thoughts in different total environments.
The history/ value dichotomy
Chinese wanted to desperately to own the ground they stood on
Yen Fu, influenced by Herbert Spencer, believed that China was an organism. The organism’s survival and growth
Yen saw a place for Confucianism as a moral preservative while roads to evolutionary advance were being prepared.
Yen saw racialism, revolution, irresponsible libertariansim as blind alleys and helplessness.
Confucianism as social cement
Preface for Volume One
This is the change: during much of Chinese history new ideas, to be acceptable, had to be proved compatible with tradition; in more recent times tradition, to be retainable, has had to seem compatible with new, independently persuasive ideas.
Chinese values have continued to be prized, but by minds that seem more ‘traditionalistic’ than tradition - modern minds with nostalgia for the past, not minds with the past’s authentic intellectual colour.
‘mandarin sub-culture’ 官员（官话）亚文化
Introduction: The Special and General Historical Quests
Alfred North Whitehead, Process and Reality
‘A traveller, who has lost his way, should not ask, Where I am? What he really wants to know is, Where are the other places? He has got his own body, but he has lost them.’
Voltaire’s admiration of China derived from his deism
His denial of European pretensions was a negative answer to the answer to the question, ‘Is possession of Christianity the criterion of cultural excellence?’
When Confucian traditionalism comes to be accepted not from a confidence in its universal validity but from a traditionalistic compulsion to profess that confidence. Confucianism is transformed from a primary, philosophical commitment to a secondary, romantic one, and traditionalism from a philosophical principle to a psychological device.
No one is so ethereal, so cleanly delivered from native soil and the limited culture which formed him, that he can see its relative disqualification with perfect equanimity. Man is not a neutral machine, calmly recording right answers; if a foreign answer is to be intellectually accepted as right, the native culture’s emotional claims must somehow be squared.
Part Two: Chinese Culture in Its Modern Metamorphoses: The Tensions of Intellectual Choice
Eclecticism（折衷主义） in the Area of Native Chinese Choices
I.Considerations of Time Become Considerations of Space
In intellectual controversies within the Confucian tradition, each school tried to score a point by claiming for itself a sort of apostolic succession from the sages. Opponents would almost invariably be accused of deviation from a right path laid down in antiquity. The old was prized over the new, and the 17thand 18thcentury critics of Sung and Ming thought charged primarily not that it failed to meet need of the present, but that it strayed from truths of the past.
（在太平天国之后的上海等地区）New roads to power for Chinese, roads smoothed by western knowledge, had come to be dimly seen. A challenge was offered to the usefulness of Chinese thought, and when the question of its usefulness could be raised, the question of its truth came alive.Chinese thought, all schools of it, had a genuine, serious western rival.
2.The Eclecticism of Tseng Kuo-Fan（曾国藩）
It was in his philosophy of li-hsveh（礼学）, Tseng maintained, which would bring about the unification of the Han and Sung schools and put an end to intellectual warfare.
3.The Encroachment（入侵）of ‘China’on general Judgments of value
As the acceptance of Chinese ideas was beginning to be more and more emotionally willed, it become less and less intellectually forced.
T’i and Yung - ‘Substance’and ‘Function’ （体和用）
The rationalization, whereby something of western culture could have a place in China and yet be kept in its place, …… the ‘self-strengtheners’
Chinese learning, which was to be the t’i in the new syncretic culture, was the learning of a society which had always used it for yung, as the necessary passport to the best of all careers.
For in reality, Chinese learning had come to be prized as substance because of its function, and when its function was usurped, the learning withered.The more western learning came to be accepted as the practical instrument of life and power, the more Confucianism ceased to be t’i, essence, the naturally believed-in value of a civilization without a rival, and become instead an historical inheritance, preserved, if at all, as a romantic token of no-surrender to a foreign rival which had changed the essence of Chinese life.
The process of knowledge is not a process of mere accretion. To speak of ‘adding to knowledge’is misleading. For a gain in knowledge is world of ideas. It is the creation of a new world by transforming a given world.
3.The Philosophical Attenuation of the Ti-Yung Concept
Chu Hsi’s emphasis had been metaphysical: t’i and yung, substance and function, jointly defined the one object. But Chang Chi-tung’s emphasis was sociological. He was concerned not with the nature of things but the nature of cultures, and t’i and yung were separate in objective embodiment (as they were not for Chu Hsi) and fused only in mind.
The Chin-Wen School and the Classical Sanction（今文经学）
I.New Values Injected into Chinese History: K’ang Yu-Wei
(?) On the spectrum of attitudes toward westernization in 19th century China, chin-wen stood as a mean not between implacable anti-westernizers and t’i-yung Confucian officialdom, but the latter and the Protestant missions.
When 康有为 heavily over-interpreted 今文经, he believed he had rehabilitated, all the impressive western values fell into their Chinese places.
2.Passing of the Chin-Wen Sanctions（限制）
谭嗣同：The Papacy killed Christianity in the West, he said, and Luther revived it. Confucianism, done to death in China by the false scholarship of authoritarians, needed a Luther, too.
梁启超 1901：”My teacher（康）is the Martin Luther of Confucianism.”
K’ang, as long as he lived, never lost his chin-wen convictions: that the stages of progress were Confucian stages, and that the values of progress, modern values, were really values because the sage had once conceived them.
Historical evolution, in the basic principle of the chin-wen Confucianists, was a universal progress from the ‘age of chaos’(as Confucius called it) to the ‘great peace’or the ‘great harmony’.
The Modern Ku-wen Opposition, Reactionary and Revolutionary, to Chin-wen Reformism
I.The Reactionary Ku-wen Attack
The chin-wen school, as its name indicates, was not eclectic in the field of Chinese choices. Though even more aware of western incursions than Tseng Kuo-fan had been, the reformers failed to respond as he did, and, far from burying an ancient domestic intellectual conflict, they revived it.
Yet, K’ang’s truculence was not inconsistent with the peaceable eclecticism of Tseng Kuo-fan. For Tseng saw the West as a common rival of all the Chinese schools, and meant to distinguish the West from China as matters is distinguished from spirit. But K’ang had no hopes of separation, and preferred to see peace between civilizations, with the West and China sharing common values. With peace abroad, a battle at home was possible. And for a semblance of peace abroad, a battle at home was necessary. Orthodox Confucianism of the ku-wen school could never appear to shelter western values.
It was the need to accommodate the western values, then, which impelled the reformers to revive the chin-wen scholarship was hardly ‘pure’, it was impervious to attack by the pure scholarship of ku-wen conservatives.
Social facts, not textual critics, were the damaging antagonists of the modern chin-wen school.
For the ku-wen critics never answered the real question which the chin-wen school was asking: not, ‘What does Confucius say?’but, ‘How can we make ourselves believe that Confucius said what we accept on other authority?’
2.The Revolutionary Ku-wen Attack
张炳麟saw more clearly than they that change must come to the Chinese scene; and if traditionalism was not to be sentimentality alone, and intellectually indefensible, he must hold, he knew, a rational theory which would keep the Chinese past from seeming discredited by the change.
But he was wrong to think that Manchu-baiting was a serviceable theory in the 20thcentury. It could seem to protect the reputation of traditional Chinese culture, but it would help to end its existence.
When the imperial system could be doubted, anything could be doubted. Who could be sure of any rule, when almost the oldest rule of all was broken?
3.The Classics and History
The ku-wen Classics, Chang loyally insisted, were history, not fiction, and history, not elliptical, mystical prophecy - as the Classics became in the rival interpretation. The Kung-yang chuan, the central text for the chin-wen school, which chose it in preference to the Tso-chuan, was philosophically exegetical（解释的） in character and bore little obvious relation to any course of events; but the Tso-chuan was formally an historical narrative.
Liao P’ing （廖平）: ’The Classics are all abstract words but not real history’
Liao P’ing considered the Classics so far from history that he treated the Ch’un-ch’iu not at all as it appeared, a chronicle of the ancient state of Lu, but as a vision of the modern world, with Cheng standing for China, Ch’in for England, Lu for Japan, and Duke Ai of Lu for the Emperor Meiji.
六经皆史 ’The Six Classics are all History’
However little he willed it, when Chang Ping--lin repeated these words of Chang Hsveh-ch’eng 章学诚, he made the part of the history of the dissipation of Confucianism.
The historical thinking in Chinese culture was concerned typically Not with process but with permanence, with the illustration of the fixed ideas of the Confucian moral universe.
History, then, by this reckoning, is a record from which a universal, timeless, abstract morality is distilled from particular, temporal material events. The Classical canon is the respository of those abstract principles which make such a reading of history possible. Su Hsvn苏洵, whose treatise on this subject was in the form of inquiry into the narrative of history, obviously had to call shih and ching correlative, not identical: not all histories were Classics. …… The idea of shih was indispensable to the idea of ching; and the idea of ching, as the ancient fountain-head of critical judgement - and not, therefore, subject to its appraisal - was indispensable to Confucian intellectual life.
The Classics were made of historical material, but the Classics themselves were not simply materials for the history of an age; they were texts for the age.
It the Classics were not supreme arbiters in modern times, they were not for the ages; and to say, then, that the Classics were history was not to fix their character in eternity, since their title to eternity was spurious. It was, instead, to pin the Classics to the age of their composition, that age alone, and to read them rather as documentation of a stage of a history in process of change, than as final truths which were anciently established and immanent in events and which thereby divested the idea of history of the very connotation of process.
The ku-wen school had won a faded laurel（桂冠）- the Classics were all history, all right - but (to put it another way) the Classics were not classics any more.
Chapter I. A Little Life: Liao P’ing and the Confucian Departure from History
Monarchy and Confucianism, tied in companionship and suspicion for so many centuries, so many dynasties, had dragged each other down. And when Confucianism lost its institutional context, intellectual continuity was gravely imperilled. The great tradition, sinking, was ready to depart.
To depart from history was to enter it. Confucianism, yielding the future, became a thing of the past. It was remembered , loved by many, but lived only in fragments. It was historically significant.
2.The Question of Originality
This call to make it new and this claim that K’ang had pilfered the prestige Liao deserved for making a new pronouncement were merely words. It was K’ang, plagiarist or not, who chose to face the music by making the history. K’ang took these claims for Confucius as a reformer and made them relate to an actual modern reform, clothing them in action and reeling out for modern China the last thread of authentic Confucian commitment. But Liao, the verbalizer about originality, was just a conventional examination-passer, circumspect enough to move smoothly through the old channels and to earn in 1889 easy traditional accolades from unreconstructed, and obviously untroubled, official examiners …… K’ang nearly died in 1898 for what he made Liao’s hypotheses. But Liao in 1898 (earning Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s contempt even while Liang acknowledged him as intellectually the first comer) still shrank from implication, declaring that it was no intention of his to expound a battle-position.
3.From Paradigm to Prophecy 从模范到预言
The Confucius of the Liao P’ing image put all things yet to come into 易经, and all rules for posterity into 诗经, where the religion he founded was set forth in detail.
Paradigmatic Classics - the classics of ku-wen traditionalists, for whom knowledge and action were one - were history, accounts of visible events which made essentials manifest. But prophetic Classics of chin-wen provenance were the keys to history, not history themselves.
Liao’s early attack on the accepted ku-wen Classics had committed him unequivocally to a religious rather than an historical view of Confucius. …… But this amounted to admitting that the chin-wen Classics were forgeries by Confucius; that is Confucius himself might seem like 刘歆, the alleged forger of the ku-wen, writing texts and pretending they were old. …… If the Six Classics were not history, it was because in the ku-wen version they were fiction, and in the chin-wen version a miraculous rending of veil of future time.
Thus, Liao saw China’s modern plight in the international jungle prefigured in Confucius’(alleged) po-luan words about the ‘age of chaos’in 公羊传.
4.From Prophecy to Finis 从预言到终结
薛福成, like any Confucianist with a public life, asked of the Classics, ‘What are we to do?’Liao P’ing, a Confucianist expelled from the world of doers, chopped the question down, in effect, to ‘What (or where) are we?’That whichthe older order of Confucianist had always meant as a stigma - ‘empty words’空言, the antithesis of action or the basic stuff of history - Liao explicitly, admiringly attributed to Confucius.
For in Liao’s day Confucianism was being reduced to historical significance, which had never been its attribute when history was inside it.Liao made it an article of faith that ‘the Six Classics were not history’- by which he assisted in making the Classical history, though history in a non-Confucian, relativistic sense. Now the Classics were so clearly ‘history’that his warm, living appeal to them made Liao quaint, an historical relic in his own lifetime. One who had long ago claimed title to originality was finally acknowledged an undoubted original: an eccentric（怪诞）, an anachronism（时代错误）. History had passed him by, consigning the Classics, his mind’s treasure, to the burial-ground of the past he had scorned to use.