The Great Divergence brings new insight to one of the classic questions of history: Why did sustained industrial growth begin in Northwest Europe, despite surprising similarities between advanced areas of Europe and East Asia? As Ken Pomeranz shows, as recently as 1750, parallels between these two parts of the world were very high in life expectancy, consumption, product and fa...
The Great Divergence brings new insight to one of the classic questions of history: Why did sustained industrial growth begin in Northwest Europe, despite surprising similarities between advanced areas of Europe and East Asia? As Ken Pomeranz shows, as recently as 1750, parallels between these two parts of the world were very high in life expectancy, consumption, product and factor markets, and the strategies of households. Perhaps most surprisingly, Pomeranz demonstrates that the Chinese and Japanese cores were no worse off ecologically than Western Europe. Core areas throughout the eighteenth-century Old World faced comparable local shortages of land-intensive products, shortages that were only partly resolved by trade.
Pomeranz argues that Europe's nineteenth-century divergence from the Old World owes much to the fortunate location of coal, which substituted for timber. This made Europe's failure to use its land intensively much less of a problem, while allowing growth in energy-intensive industries. Another crucial difference that he notes has to do with trade. Fortuitous global conjunctures made the Americas a greater source of needed primary products for Europe than any Asian periphery. This allowed Northwest Europe to grow dramatically in population, specialize further in manufactures, and remove labor from the land, using increased imports rather than maximizing yields. Together, coal and the New World allowed Europe to grow along resource-intensive, labor-saving paths.
Meanwhile, Asia hit a cul-de-sac. Although the East Asian hinterlands boomed after 1750, both in population and in manufacturing, this growth prevented these peripheral regions from exporting vital resources to the cloth-producing Yangzi Delta. As a result, growth in the core of East Asia's economy essentially stopped, and what growth did exist was forced along labor-intensive, resource-saving paths--paths Europe could have been forced down, too, had it not been for favorable resource stocks from underground and overseas.
he cites such examples as ribbon-makers in rural Saxony who aped urban fashion to distinguish themselves from peasants, and Wurttemburg artisans who, in the words of a contemporary, could afford little besides potatoes “but would consider themselves less than human if they were compelled to give up their morning coffee.” (查看原文)
he cites such examples as ribbon-makers in rural Saxony who aped urban fashion to distinguish themselves from peasants, and Wurttemburg artisans who, in the words of a contemporary, could afford little besides potatoes “but would consider themselves less than human if they were compelled to give up their morning coffee.” Wurttemburg的只吃得起马铃薯的工匠自觉如果被迫放弃早晨的咖啡就不是人了。 ...
2014-02-04 21:38
he cites such examples as ribbon-makers in rural Saxony who aped urban fashion to distinguish themselves from peasants, and Wurttemburg artisans who, in the words of a contemporary, could afford little besides potatoes “but would consider themselves less than human if they were compelled to give up their morning coffee.”引自 Luxury Consumption and Rise of Capitalism
he cites such examples as ribbon-makers in rural Saxony who aped urban fashion to distinguish themselves from peasants, and Wurttemburg artisans who, in the words of a contemporary, could afford little besides potatoes “but would consider themselves less than human if they were compelled to give up their morning coffee.” Wurttemburg的只吃得起马铃薯的工匠自觉如果被迫放弃早晨的咖啡就不是人了。 ...
2014-02-04 21:38
he cites such examples as ribbon-makers in rural Saxony who aped urban fashion to distinguish themselves from peasants, and Wurttemburg artisans who, in the words of a contemporary, could afford little besides potatoes “but would consider themselves less than human if they were compelled to give up their morning coffee.”引自 Luxury Consumption and Rise of Capitalism
he cites such examples as ribbon-makers in rural Saxony who aped urban fashion to distinguish themselves from peasants, and Wurttemburg artisans who, in the words of a contemporary, could afford little besides potatoes “but would consider themselves less than human if they were compelled to give up their morning coffee.” Wurttemburg的只吃得起马铃薯的工匠自觉如果被迫放弃早晨的咖啡就不是人了。 ...
2014-02-04 21:38
he cites such examples as ribbon-makers in rural Saxony who aped urban fashion to distinguish themselves from peasants, and Wurttemburg artisans who, in the words of a contemporary, could afford little besides potatoes “but would consider themselves less than human if they were compelled to give up their morning coffee.”引自 Luxury Consumption and Rise of Capitalism
0 有用 後東塾—待注銷 2013-11-11
議論縱橫。
0 有用 小鹿想念书 2012-06-11
作为史学家,写出一部横跨两大洲、糅合了经济史、社会学的书,委实不易。307页是书的一个小缩影,提出了几个有趣设想,扑张蔓延,阐之不尽是个遗憾。翻成中文本怕是很多人读着要不喜欢了。
0 有用 farseer 2013-03-09
归根结底,【王国斌 彭慕兰 Goldstone 李中清】 vs 【Elvin 黄宗智 Bryant】的战争核心是不是“结构 与 事件”之争呢?前者重视的是东西方短时段“结构”中的相似性,并赋予“事件”关键性的意义,而后者更偏重长时段“结构”的作用和其中体现的东西方发展轨迹的根本差异。
2 有用 sanbilly 2010-09-20
書中描繪的“中國”如此反“常識經驗”,是因為作者以孤證乃至誤證為基礎建立起一條看上去很美很給力的邏輯鏈,事實上經不起仔細推敲。
1 有用 三明 2013-04-08
今天那些喜欢说“在中国”就是会发生很多烂事,“在西方”就会发生很多好事的人,未来大概还会出现一本这样的书告诉你其实都一样。甚至西方不如中国,这时小琥阿姨就会出来唱一首:“没~那么简单~”
0 有用 过期黄桃罐头 2020-12-26
读了好久,不知道这本名作为何对我如此难读
0 有用 orlanmimi 2020-12-23
一句话总结就是截止19世纪,欧洲和中国的经济、政治体制上并没有根本性的差别而使欧洲注定成为现代工业化的天选发源地。框架很大,研究对象的时间地理跨度更大,论证则主要依靠二手文献,好在introduction和conclusion可以概括书中80%的观点,不然一般人很难从头到尾认真读完。
0 有用 Ohlala 2020-10-14
0 有用 鏡中月 2020-02-01
Intro理論框架還是很有意思的,非常有野心的一本書。區域比較可以說是想要突破國家建構的框架,但是也因此邊緣化了國家政策對經濟影響的問題——明明他自己都認為重商主義政府支持長距離殖民公司是歐洲特色。
0 有用 燕秋 2020-01-28
领域奠基石。